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KEY Commentary Side Textual Bibliographic Scriptural
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¶An answere to Master Mores
seconde boke
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159/2
M. More . . .
dyd. Cf. CWM 6/1.105/4–7.
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In the first chapter ye may not trie the doctrine of the
spiritualtie by the scripture: But what they saye / that beleue
vndoutedly and by that trie the scripture. And if thou finde the
playne contrary in the scripture / thou maist not beleue the
scripture / but seke a glose
and an allegorie to make them agre. As when the pope
saith / ye be iustified by the workes of the ceremonies and
sacramentes and so forth / and the scripture saith / that we be
iustified at the repentaunce
of the hert thorow Christes bloude. The first is
true playne / as the pope saith it and as it stondeth in his
texte / but the second is false as it appereth vn to thine
vnderstandinge and the literall sens that kylleth . Thou must
therfore beleue the pope and for Christes doctrine seke an
allegorie and a misticall sens: that is / thou must leaue the
clere light and walke in the miste. And yet Christ
and his appostles
for all their miracles required not to be beleued
with out scripture / as thou maist se Ihon .v. and Actes .xvij.
and bi their diligent alleginge of scripture thorow out all the
new testament.
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159/7–8
The pope . . .
wales. During the first half of the 12c, the four Welsh sees
(Llandaff, St. David's, Bangor, and St. Asaph) pledged
their obedience to Canterbury. After the last Celtic Prince of Wales was
killed in 1283, both Edward I (king,
1272–1307) and the Archbishop of Canterbury visited the country
the next year. During the first decade of the
15c, a Welsh rebellion against Henry IV (king,
1399–1413) was led by Owen Glendower, who offered to recognize the
anti-pope in return for establishing Wales as an independent
ecclesiastical province with St. David's as its metropolitan see. The
Lancastrians harshly repressed this revolt, thus further alienating
Tyndale, who already blamed them for the murder of Richard II (king, 1377–99) and the persecution of the
Lollards. See Glanmor Williams 2–3, 41–44,
225–28.
ROMANS: 5.9: 110/9–10, 170/15–16
159/10–19
And yet . . .
spiritualtye. Tyndale argues that the laity should have given
their consent to the imposition of celibacy because of their
rightful concern for the virtue of their priests and the chastity of
their womenfolk. He argues in a manner akin to the well-known procedural
rule of medieval canon law that what affects all should be discussed and
approved by all. Yves Congar showed the broad span of applications made
of this norm adopted from the Code of Justinian (2d ed., AD 531) even by popes as conscious of their own authority as Innocent
III (pope, 1198–1216) and Boniface
VIII (pope, 1294–1303). See "Quod omnes tangit, ab omnibus
tractari et approbari debet," Revue historique de
droit français 36 (1958) 210–59; rpt. as Study III in Droit ancien et structures ecclésiales (London: Variorum, 1982). More recently,
Constantin Fasolt has treated William
Durant the Younger's appeal to the principle in
his Tractatus de modo generalis concilii
celebrandi (1311), as requiring consultation with
those who would be affected by innovations changing the
already existing laws governing their lives and action. See "Quod omnes tangit, ab omnibus approbari debet:
the Words and the Meaning," in In Iure Veritas,
Festschrift Schafer Williams, ed. Steven Bowman (U of Cincinnati School of Law,
1991). (JW)
JOHN: 3.20: 110/14–15, 114/13–14, 214/30
[Hand] [1531]
JOHN: 5.39: 97/3, 110/16
ACTS: 17.11: 97/4–5, 110/16
Ioan .5. [1531]
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And in the ende he saith for his pleasure / that we knowlege /
that
noman may ministre sacraments but he that is
deriuede out of the pope. How be it this we knowlege / that
noman coude ministre sacramentes
with out significacion which are no sacramentes saue
soch
as are of the popis generacion.
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sacraments] ed., sacrament 1531, Sacraments 1573
159/22–23
Paul . . .
ministre. Cf. I Tim. 5.11–12.
generacion] ed., geueracion 1531, generation 1573
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