That . . . bloud. CWM 8/2.579/19–33.

consenteth. Tyndale regularly features active consent to the law of God in his accounts of repentance and justification, thus diverging in one aspect from Luther's account of justification, where the will's passivity under grace is central, while the law functions prior to justification by heightening guilt.

forboden lawfull wedlocke. The imposition of mandatory celibacy angers Tyndale because Scripture assumes the clergy will be married. In Obedience (I7, K1), Tyndale twice quotes 1 Tim. 3.2 on the wives of bishops. For Tyndale, fines for concubinage are a license to keep whores ([D6v, “licence . . . whore”; N2, “licence . . . hores”; O2, “geuenge . . . whores”]; Obedience K1, 1 John E6). In Tyndale's view, the Church of Rome prefers whores and sodomites to an honest wife (Matthew 03). Tyndale's extended case against compulsory celibacy occurs at [M6, “In the .xiij. he rageth . . . N7v . . . pacience of other displeasures”]. From the time of Gregory I (pope, 590–604) until the early 10c, most diocesan clergy were married men. Nicholas II (pope, 1058–61), along with the Lateran synod of 1059, forbad priests with a wife or concubine to say Mass and deprived them of their benefice. Gregory VII (pope, 1073–85) rigorously enforced these decrees on clerical celibacy (NCE 3.369–74). Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, was able to modify Gregory's policy by letting married clergy keep their wives and ordaining celibate priests henceforward. Cf. Charles A. Frazee, "The Origins of Clerical Celibacy in the Western Church," Church History 41 (1972) 149–67, esp. 166. Lateran II (1139) declared that major orders were an impediment to valid marriage, canons 6–7 in Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, ed. J. Alberigo et al., 3d ed. (Bologna: Istituto per le scienze religiose , 1973) 198. Nevertheless, from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation, the diocesan clergy, from bishop to parish priest, and even heads of monasteries frequently entered into de facto marriages and by papal dispensation passed their benefices onto their sons. (JW) The Diocese of Constance had a schedule of fines to be paid to the diocesan administration by priests living in concubinage or otherwise guilty of sexual misconduct. Also a set payment had to be made for each child fathered by a priest living in concubinage. Cf. O.Vasella, Reform und Reformation in der Schweiz (Münster: Aschendorff , 1958) 26–36. Zwingli attacked this practice in Eine freundliche Bitte und Ermahnung of July 1522, cf. Sämtliche Werke 1.225. The fines were fees paid for suspension of the canonical punishments , such as the loss of one's benefice, by the concubinate clergy . The payment for a child was for the lifting of the impediment of illegitimacy and in some cases for securing an inheritance for children of such unions. The Council of Basel had condemned these practices in 1435, as had Lateran V in 1514 (Concilium Oecumenicorum Decreta 487, 623).

doucheland. In 15c and early 16c Germany, failures against celibacy seem high although records are incomplete for Hurenzins (whore tax) and Wigenzins (cradle tax). Cf. Joel F. Harrington, Reordering marriage and society in Reformation Germany (Cambridge UP, 1995) 34 and n28.

wales. Illegal clerical unions and their offspring were satirized by poets and censured, among others, by Gerald of Wales (c1146-c1220) and two Archbishops of Canterbury: John Pecham in 1284 and William Warham in 1504. Cf. Glanmor Williams 339–46, 401–2.

yerland. In Pre-Norman Ireland (before 1171–72), monasteries were frequently headed by lay abbots, who were usually married . Cf. Friedrich Kempf in Jedin and Dolan 3.223. Clerical marriage continued in Gaelic Ireland throughout the late medieval period. Bishops and abbots obtained papal dispensations for their sons to succeed them. Cf. Colm Lennon, Sixteenth-Century Ireland: The Incomplete Conquest (New York: St. Martin's, 1995) 126. Higher standards obtained among the friars, especially the Observant Franciscans, cf. Lennon 119. See Aubrey Gwynn and R. Neville Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses: Ireland (Blackrock, Co. Dublin: Irish Academic, 1970) and, more recently, Steven G. Ellis, Ch. 8,"The Late Medieval Church and the Origins of Tudor Reform," Ireland in the Age of the Tudors 1447–1603: English Expansion and the End of Gaelic Rule (New York: Longman, 1998) 190–217.

Scotland. Sir David Lyndesay (c1486–1555) satirized the immorality of the diocesan clergy in his verse drama on The Thrie Estatis (1540). As a separate kingdom, Scotland implemented the Reformation at a later period than England. In 1560 the Scottish Parliament abrogated papal authority in Scodand and forbad the Latin Mass, but not until 1573 were the clergy required by statute to join the Reformation or be deprived of their benefices. (Mary Stuart returned to Scotland from France in 1561 and abdicated in 1567.) Cf. Gordon Donaldson, "The Parish Clergy and the Reformation, "Scottish Church History (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic, 1985) 73, 88. See Ian B. Cowan and David E. Easson, Medieval Religious Houses: Scotland, 2d ed. (London: Longman, 1976); Gordon Donaldson, The Scottish Reformation (Cambridge UP, 1960).

Fraunce. Repeated invasions during the Hundred Years War (1337–1453) undermined the physical fabric and the spiritual life of the church in France. Cf. A. Latreille et al., Histoire du Catholicisme en France; Vol. 2, Sous les rois très chrétiens (Paris: Editions Spes, 1960) 71. In spite of efforts at reform, concubinage among the diocesan clergy continued into the 17c (OER 1.397–99).

Spayne. Because too many people were affected, in 1251 Innocent IV (pope, 1243–54) revoked sentences of excommunication placed by a papal legate on clerics in major orders and their mistresses, but the fines he imposed instead had little effect. Living in a pluralistic society until 1492, some clergy formed sexual relationships with Jewish or Muslim women. In 1321–22, a council in Castile decreed that such priests were to be imprisoned for two years by the bishop. Cf. J.N. Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms, 1250–1516; Vol. I, 1250–1410, "Precarious Balance" (Oxford: Clarendon, 1976) 111–12. Fernando (king, 1474–1516) and Isabel (queen, 1474–1504) tried to reform the diocesan clergy by nominating exemplary bishops, but their efforts did not bear much fruit until the Counter-Reformation. Cf. Vol. II, 1410–1516, "Castilian Hegemony" (Oxford: Clarendon, 1978) 405–10. Rejecting the reforms of the Observant Franciscan Cardinal Ximenes, a thousand Conventual Franciscans converted to Islam, married their Muslim concubines and resettled in North Africa. Cf. Karl J. von Hefele, The Life and Times of Cardinal Ximenez, 2d ed. (London, 1885) 215–17 cited by Monti 111–12 and n51.

Englond. After examining visitation records in Winchester, Kent, Suffolk, Norwich, and Lincoln, Peter Marshall (144–51) concluded that fewer than five percent of these clerics were suspected of breaking their promise of celibacy. The situation was probably worse in London on account of the larger numbers of unbeneficed clergy taking advantage of the anonymity of the city. Tyndale claims that, because of the preaching of Wyclif against unchastity, priests prefer liaisons with married women to open concubinage. Thus, English bishops collect fewer fines than on the Continent. But some of the English hierarchy were themselves offenders: Bishop James Stanley of Ely with three illegitimate children, Cardinal Wolsey with two, and perhaps Archbishop Warham with a son. For Stanley, cf. Haigh 10. For Wolsey, cf. Jasper Ridley, Statesman and Saint: Cardinal Wolsey, Sir Thomas More, and the Politics of Henry VIII (New York: Viking, 1982) 171–72. For Warham, cf. MacCulloch, Cranmer 108. The reinstitution of clerical marriage did not proceed smoothly in the English Reformation. Although Henry VIII expelled monks, friars, and nuns from their properties in 1536 and 1539, he expected them to keep their vows of celibacy, as is indicated in the Six Articles of 1539, 31 Henry VIII, Ch. 14 (Statutes 3.739). Men could join the ranks of the diocesan clergy; women could return to their families or live together in non-canonical communities. Most men and women religious received government pensions. In 1549 and 1551–52 priests were permitted to marry, 2 & 3 Edward VI, Ch. 21; 5 & 6 Edward, Ch. 12 (Statutes 4/1.67,146–47). However, in 1553 priests were required to dismiss their wives or lose their benefices, 1 Mary, St. 2, Ch. 2 (Statutes 4/1.202). In 1559 priests were again allowed to marry by Injunction 29 issued by Elizabeth I in her capacity as Supreme Governor of the Church of England, cf. Bray 342–43. Marriage of the clergy was confirmed in 1604, 1 James, Ch. 25 (Statutes 4/2.1052).

wicleffe. John Wyclif (c1330–84) taught that rulers in mortal sin, especially the clergy, forfeited the right to the obedience of their subjects. He also claimed that bread and wine remained after the consecration and that Christ is present only figuratively. After his death, his teachings were condemned by the Council of Constance (1414–18) in 1417; his books were burnt and his body exhumed from consecrated ground in 1428. See Anthony Kenny, Wyclif, Past Masters Series (Oxford UP, 1985). Followers ofWyclif were originally called "Lollards" (OED 1.) or "mumblers" for their supposed piety. Like "Quaker," the name "Lollard" no longer expresses contempt but merely denotes a religious group. In De Libero Arbitrio (1524) Erasmus recites a litany of patristic and medieval theologians who uphold free will as opposed to Manichaeus and Wyclif, who deny it. Later, Erasmus disapprovingly quotes Luther's Assertio, Art. 36, which embraces the position of Wyclif, '"For no one has it in his own power to think a good or bad thought, but everything (as Wyclif's article condemned at Constance rightly teaches) happens by absolute necessity.'" From Erasmus, On the Freedom of the Will, citing Assertio omnium articulorum, 1520 (WA 7.146/6–8; not in LW) in Luther and Erasmus: Free Will and Salvation, ed. E. Gordon Rupp and Philip S. Watson, LCC 17 (Philadephia: Westminster, 1969) 13, 13n1, 64. Cf. [O4, “no frewyll . . . the werke man” and commentary note]. Tyndale denies that Wyclif caused insurrection (1 John H7); in fact, the Peasants' Revolt in 1381 arose from economic, not theological , reasons. In the Prologue to Jonas, Tyndale asserts that the rejection ofWyclif's call to repentance resulted in the assassination of Richard II, the usurpation of the crown by Henry IV, Henry V, and Henry VI, the invasion of France, and the civil wars in England (TOT 634–35). (The Book of Jonas in TOT lacks page divisions into ABC etc.) For pastoral care from evil clergy, cf. [M4v, “the prayars . . . profite not” and commentary note]; for Wyclif's supposed influence in Bohemia, cf. [N8, “Wicleffe . . . liues” and commentary note]; for the kings, cf. [N8, “slew the true kynge . . . false”]; for a brief history of the Bible in English, cf. [N8, “scripture . . . in englysh” and commentary note]; for the order of justification, cf. [Q1, “the lawe” and commentary note]. Donald Dean Smeeton examines similarities between Tyndale and Lollards on the necessity of a vernacular Bible, the rejection of transubstantiation, and the reform of a corrupt clergy by the king in Lollard Themes in the Reformation Theology of William Tyndale, Sixteenth Century Essays & Studies 6 (Kirksville, MO: Sixteenth Century Journal, 1986).

A nother . . . secret. Cf. CWM 8/1.584/12–29.