VOLUME 3

AN ANSWERE VNTO SIR THOMAS MORES DIALOGE

LOCATION
KEY Commentary Side Textual Bibliographic Scriptural

is a spirite and wilbe worsheped in the spirite Ihon .iiij. That is / though he be present euery where / yet he dwelleth liuely and gloriously in the myndes of angells only and hertes of men that loue his lawes and trust in his promises. And whersoeuer god findeth soch an hert / their he heareth the prayar in all places and tymes indifferently. So that the outward place nether helpeth or hindred / excepte (as I said) that a mans minde be moare quiett and still from the rage of wordely businesses / or that some thynge stere vpp the worde of god and ensample of our sauioure moare in one place then in a nother.

God . . . spirite. Cf. John 4.24.

John 4.24

Iohan .4. [1531]

angells] ed., angell [1531], aungels [1573]

hindred] hindreth [1573]

¶Whence Idolatrie or imageseruice springeth

Now that thou maist se whence all this Idolatrie or imageseruice is sprounge / marke a litle / and then I will answere vn to the argumentes which these imageseruars make agenst the open trueth. All the ceremonies ornamentes and sacrifices of the olde testament were sacramentes. That is to wete / signes preachinge vn to the people one thynge or a nother. As circumcision preached vn to them / that god had chosen them to be his people / and that he wold be their god and defende them and encrease and multiplie them and kepe them in that londe and blesse the frutes of the erth and all their possessions . And on the other syde it preached / how that they had promised god agayne to kepe his commaundementes / ceremonies and ordinaunces. Now when they saw their younge children circumcised / iff they consented vn to the appoyntement made betwene god and them / moued by the pre

ceremonies] [1573], cerrmonies [1531]

ceremonies ... of the olde testament. In Israel sacraments instituted to preach and instruct degenerated into good works to gain God's favor. Illustrations are circumcision [E7, “As circumcision . . . E7v . . . and else not”], the paschal lamb [E7v, “the paschall lambe . . . for synne”], sacrifices [E7v, “And the offeringe . . . E8 . . . forgeuen them”; E8v, “They they went . . . gods worde”], the sabbath [E8v, “And to speake . . . F1 . . . luke .xiij.”], the brazen serpent [F1, “And of like blyndnesse . . . did they”], and the Temple [F1, “And of the temple . . . their hertes”]. The present section sets the stage for Tyndale's account of an analogous loss in Christianity of the original didactic purpose of rites, ceremonies, and sacraments [F1v, “¶How ceremonies . . . F8 . . . popeholy workes.”]. The fall into idolatry, in fact, marks humanity universally outside the ambit of the elect who are inwardly taught by the Holy Spirit [E1, “It hath pleased . . . bodyly seruice.”]).

sacramentes. Tyndale's emphasis on the didactic function of ceremonies in general contrasts with the concern of medieval scholasticism to explain how the seven sacraments are both signs and causes of sanctifying grace in those receiving them devoutly. Peter Lombard's mid-12c formulation contrasted OT rites, which only signify, with the Christian sacraments that also cause the sanctification they signify (Sentences Bk. 4, Dist. 1, Ch. 4). The Franciscan tradition of St. Bonaventure and Duns Scotus understood sacramental causality broadly, emphasizing God's decree or pactum to give grace upon performance of the Christian rites. Aquinas founded an opposing tradition that insisted on the true instrumentality of the sacramental means of grace, but he also broadened the notion of signification by elaborating a threefold reference of the sacramental sign: to Christ's passion, the principal cause of sanctification, as signum rememorativum; to the grace now given, as signum demonstrativum, e.g. of rebirth, nourishment, etc.; and to future glory, as signum prognosticum (Summa III, Q. 60, Art. 3, Sed contra). Aquinas' sacramental doctrine received official sanction at the Council of Florence (1439), where his work De articulis fidei et ecclesiae sacramentis was incorporated into the Decree of Union with the Armenians, cf. [P8, “signes of promises of fayth” and commentary note]. Erasmus could cite Lombard 's formula on sacraments as causes and made reference to the Franciscan notion of God's pactum, but Erasmus was more influential as a critic of externalized ritual practice that neglected the inner meaning, for sacraments represent divine archetypes and exhort to virtuous behavior, cf. Payne 97–103. Luther's early works on sacraments single out the promissory word of God that every sacrament contains and corroborates by its outward rite. The chief concern, however, is faith by which recipients pass over from doubt and anguish of conscience to lay hold of the mercy that Christ's promise conveys, e.g., Sacrament of Penance, 1519 (WA 2.719–20; LW 35–17f); Holy Sacrament of Baptism, 1519 (WA 2.732; LW 35–35f); Babylonian Captivity, 1520 (WA 6.516–18; LW 36.42–44). In Obedience (October 1528) Tyndale was strongly influenced by Luther's emphasis on rightly using the true sacraments, Baptism and the Eucharist, in faith. However, Luther signalled a transition in 1526 in the opening lines of The Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ (WA 19.482f; LW 36.335) for the external means instituted by Christ had come under fire from Karlstadt and Zwingli. In a new emphasis not influencing Tyndale, Luther asserts emphatically the priority of the outward means over the inward spiritual result: "God has determined to give the inward to no one except through the outward. For he wants to give no one the Spirit or faith outside the outward Word and sign instituted by him." From Against the Heavenly Prophets, 1525 (WA 18.136; LW 40.146). Emblematic of this second concern are Luther's lengthy polemics against Zwingli's spiritualizing of the Lord's Supper. Luther defended the true presence and reception of the body and blood of Christ under the outer forms of bread and wine, e.g.: That These Words of Christ, "This is My Body," etc. Still Stand Firm Against the Fanatics, 1527 (WA 23.64–283; LW 37.13–150); Confession concerning Christ's Supper, 1528 (WA 26.261–509; LW 37.161–372). Parallel expressions of Tyndale's sacramental doctrine in Answer are [A2v, “And even likewyse . . . and so forth.”; C6v, “The pope . . . serue them.”; D3v, “And as I said . . . serued vs.”; E1, “It hath pleased God . . . bodyly seruice.”; F5v, “And so thorow . . . tradicions of men.”]. At [O3, “the faith . . . O3v and holy church.”], he echoes Luther's teaching on faith in the promise announced in the sacrament. An influence on Tyndale may have come from Zwingli's works of the 1520s, which attack a causal view of the sacraments, for no external thing may justify a human being or confirm faith. The sacraments for Zwingli do evoke the commemoration of a past event, but more emphatic is the renewed declaration of believers' fidelity to Christ by their devout participation in the rites. Cf. J. Pollet, "Zwinglianisme," Dictionnaire de Théologie catholique 15/ 2.3811–18.

Sacramentes [1531]

signes preachinge. For the sacraments as signs, cf. Obedience M1, M7; CWM 8/1.84/2. For the preaching implied by the water of Baptism, cf. Obedience M2. For the necessity of preaching the signification of the Eucharist, cf. Obedience M2; CWM 8/1.96/1–2, 17–26. Tyndale's Eucharistic theology is similar to that of Zwingli and Oecolampadius. Huldrych Zwingli (1484–1531) was leader of the Reformation in Zurich. At the Marburg Colloquy in October 1529, he argued against Melanchthon that the Eucharist remained bread and wine (OER 2.320–23). Through independent study, Johannes Oecolampadius (1482–1531) came to agree with Zwingli that the Lord's Supper memorialized only the spiritual presence of Christ. He defended this position against Luther at Marburg (OER 3.169–71). For Fisher's De veritate corporis et sanguine Christi (1527), see Surtz, Ch. 18, "Answering Oecolampadius on the Real Presence," 337–50.

Circumcision [1531]

encrease . . . erth. Cf. Deut. 6.3.

Deuteronomy 6.3

All the ceremonies of the old lawe were preachers to the people.[1573]