VOLUME 3

AN ANSWERE VNTO SIR THOMAS MORES DIALOGE

LOCATION
KEY Commentary Side Textual Bibliographic Scriptural

maruelith what secret pilles they take to purge them selues which not only wil not purge here with the crosse of christe / but also bye out their purgatory there of the pope / for a grote or .vj. pens.

Tindale . . . .vj. pens. In responding to Dialogue's Bk. 4, Ch. 17, Tyndale inadvertently omits the heading "xvij."

xviij.

xviij.] The xviij. Chapter. [1573]

M. the clergie doeth nothynge vn to the heretikes but as the holy doctours did. T. yes ye put them in youre presones and diote them and handle them after youre facion as temporall tirauntes / and dispute with them secretly & wil not come at light. And ye sle them for rebukynge you with Gods worde / and so did not the old holy doctours. If a man sle his father / ye care not. But if any man twich one of you though he haue neuer so greate an occasyon geuen hym / ye curse him / and yf he wyll not submitte him selfe vn to youre punishement / ye leaue him vn to the temporall power whom ye haue hyred with the spoyle of his goodes to be youre hangman / so that he must lose hys lyfe / for geuinge one of you but a blow on the cheke.

More [1531]

the clergie ... doctours did. Cf. CWM 6/1.428/26–28. Unio Dissidentium (2.E6) quotes Augustine's description of the verbal persuasion which the clergy addressed to the schismatic Donatists. The laity, however, reacted with violence to Donatist assaults on persons and property. Cf. Ep. 88, Catholic Clergy of Hippo to Januarius, Donatist bishop and primate (AD 406), Par. 8–9 (PL 33.307–8; CSEL 34/2.414–16; Parsons 3.29–31). Unio does not quote Ep. 185, To Boniface, tribune and count in Africa (AD 417), On the Treatment of the Donatists. Here Augustine approves physical coercion in 6.21 (PL 33.802; CSEL 57.19–20; Parsons 4.161–63) plus fines and exile but not the death penalty in 7.26 (PL 33.805; CSEL 57.25; Parsons 4.167–68).

Clargye [1531]

Tyndale [1531]

wil . . . light. Cf. John 3.20.

John 3.20

Note [1531]

ye leaue . . . hangman. Tyndale does not comment on More's assertion of the prince's duty to persecute heretics in Dialogue , Bk. 4, Ch. 15 (CWM 6/1.415–18).

M. Saynt paul gaue .ij. heretikes vn to the deuell whych tormented their flesh which was no small punishment and haply he slew them.T. O expounder of the scripture like hugo charensys which expoundeth hereticum hominem deuita / take the heretike out of his life. We reade of no payne that he had whom the Corinthians excomunicat and gaue to sathan / to sle hys flesh / saue that he was asshamed of hym selfe and repented / when he saw hys offence so ernistly taken and so abhorred. But ye because ye haue no power to delyuer them to sathan to blynde theyr myndes / ye deliuer them to the fyre to destroy their flesh / that no moare is sene of them after then the asshes.

More [1531]

Saynt paul . . . slew them. CWM 6/1.429/23–28. The two heretics rejected by Paul were Hymenaeus and Alexander, cf. 1 Tim. 1.20.

1 Timothy 1.20

Tindale [1531]

hugo charensys. The Dominican Hugh of St. Cher (c1200–1263) compiled a Latin Concordance of the Bible (1240), wrote Postillae or exegetical notes on the whole Bible, and attempted textual emendation of the Vulgate (NCE 7.193–94). Although he defends Hugh of St. Cher, More plays with consonance on his name: vel Carrensem conuincat errasse, Ep. 83, To a Monk, n.p., <March-September 1519> (CWM 15.216/9–10).

O expounder . . . out of his life. Tyndale remembers having read this odd interpretation of the precept to shun a heretic after two admonitions. But he mistakenly thought it was in Hugh of St. Cher's Postillae, which surrounded the Vulgate text in the Amerbach Biblia latina cum postillis Hugonis de s. Charo, 7 vols. (Basel, 1498–1502). The interpretation comes instead from a story told by John Colet repeated by Erasmus in his annotation on Deuita.) 1519, 1522 NT (Reeve 3.701). At a meeting of "the Council" (probably the commission of 1511–12 that convicted some Lollards), someone asked what biblical basis there was for inflicting capital punishment on heretics. An elderly theologian offered Titus 3.10, which says, "devita," using the imperative of devitare ("to avoid") to mean "to take someone de vita" ("out of life"). Erasmus concludes with a warning about the danger of mistaking the meanings of words, as when doctors give as a remedy what they should recognize from the label as poison. Erasmus had also included this incident in Folly's narrative of what she heard on one of her frequent visits to theological disputations (Moriae encomium, ASD 4/3.186/53–54; CWE 27.146). (JW)

Titus 3.10

excomunicat] excommunicated [1573]

whome . . . flesh. Cf. 1 Cor. 5.1–5.

1 Corinthians 5.1–5

215/13–15 Paule dyd excommunicate, but our Byshops do burne.[1573]

asshamed . . . repented. Cf. 2 Cor. 7.9.

2 Corinthians 7.9

ye deliuer . . . asshes. King Utopus, who ruled by reason alone, granted religious toleration to all except those who denied the immortality of the soul and divine providence (CWM 4.221/27–32). In his Apology, More denies beating heretics except for those whose reason was underdeveloped: a child and a former inmate of Bedlam (CWM 9.117–18). He specifically denies mistreating George Constantine, a distributor of contraband books (CWM 9.118/33–37), and Segar Nicholson, a Cambridge bookseller (CWM 9.119/18–26). During More's term as Lord Chancellor , 25 October 1529 to 16 May 1532, six men were executed for heresy by the secular government with his approval: Thomas Hitton (d. Maidstone, February 1530), Thomas Benet or Dusgate (d. Exeter, January 1531), Thomas Bilney (d. Norwich, August 1531), Richard Bayfield and John Tewkesbury (d. London, December 1531), and James Bainham (d. London, April 1532) (CWM 8/3.1207, 1247, .1645), cf. 114/17–18n. More mentions Hitton (112/12n) and Bilney (146/12–13n) by name; perhaps More was unaware of Benet in the West Country; More directed the search for Bayfield and Tewkesbury and interrogated Bainham at Chelsea, cf. Ackroyd 292–99. Thanks to Andrew Hope for the reference to Benet (Foxe 5.18–26). Bainham's public affirmation of Reformation belief ritually undid his public abjuration. Cf. Stephen Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning: From More to Shakespeare (U of Chicago P, 1980) 74–84. In his Apology, published about Easter 1533 (CWM 9.xc), More protests "that men shold causelesse vppon such surmysed and vnproued crueltye, chaunge the good lawis byfore made agaynste heretyques" (CWM 9.167/8–10). He declares ironically that he is "but a playne soule and can inuent no neweltyes, but [is] content to stande to the olde order and lawes . . ." (CWM 9.168/17–18). A few months later, More sent Erasmus a copy of the inscription on the tomb he hoped to occupy in Chelsea, describing himself as "a source of trouble to thieves, murderers, and heretics." From Ep. 2831, Chelsea <June? 1533> (Allen 10.261/93–95; More, Selected Letters 181). Tyndale deplores the violence of churchmen who urge their followers to win salvation by killing Turks, Jews, and heretics (Obedience C7v). Whereas More defends such a policy, Tyndale repeatedly condemns those who advocate the burning of heretics (212/26). Curates who make secret accusations of heresy against their parishioners resemble the wolves who attack the flock in Acts 20 (Obedience K51:—v). Clerics accused of heresy are questioned in secret , constrained in prison, and degraded from office before being burnt (Obedience K1v). Like Pilate, papists in heresy trials condemn the innocent to death (Mammon A4v). Tyndale hopes that a true Christian would help the weak, not threaten them with literal fire ( Matthew a6). Through Christ's favor, even those who built their hopes on their own imagination could repent, suffer the spiritual fire of tribulation, and obtain mercy (Mammon H4). Tyndale returns the word "heresy" to the original meaning of hairesis, a "choosing" (OED), in this case, to accept the gift of faith, cf. 127/24n. Tyndale would agree with John Milton, who argued throughout his long career that freedom, not force, enables the faithful to serve God, e.g.: Of Reformation Touching Church-Discipline (1641), A Treatise of Civil Power in Ecclesiastical Causes (1659), and Of True Religion (1673).(JB)

Acts 20