Awake . . . light. Eph. 5.14. This same epigraph is found on the title page of John Frith, An other boke against Rastel (c1537), STC 11385: "¶ Awake thou that slepeste and | stonde vppe from deeth / and | Chryste shall geue the | lyght. Ephesians, v."

The grace . . . Amen. CWM 8/1.41/5–10. Ten Pauline epistles greet the reader with prayers for "grace and peace" (Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, Philemon). Three open with "grace, mercy and peace" (1 and 2 Timothy, Titus). Answer outdoes Paul by praying for "grace," "light," "repentaunce" "faith," and "loue."

holye gost . . . iudgement. Cf. John 16.8, 11.

Oure . . . kepe it. CWM 8/1.44/7–20.

the naturall . . . god. Cf. 1 Cor. 2.14.

sore. Used as adjective or adverb, one of Tyndale's favorite words.

the spirituall . . . secretes of god. Cf. 1 Cor. 2.15, 10.

serchinge . . . why. Cf. CWM 8/1.261/12–13, 196/7–12, 197/1, 199/13–15; Mammon C1.

loue god with all thyne herte. Cf. Deut. 6.5, Matt. 22.37, Mark 12.30, Luke 10.27. Altogether, the First Great Commandment occurs five times in Answer.

Take . . . herte. CWM 8/1.49/18–20, slightly paraphrased at CWM 8/1.51/22–24.

obeye . . . worlde. Cf. Rom. 13.1–7.

And when . . . gladlye. CWM 8/1.55/30–32.

loue his neyghboure as him silfe. Cf. Lev. 19.18, Matt. 19.19, Matt. 22.39, Mark 12.31, Luke 10.27, Rom. 13.9, Gal. 5.14, Jas. 2.8. Altogether, the Second Great Commandment occurs eighteen times in Answer.

And when . . . forth. CWM 8/1.56/36–38.

right. This adjective is another one of Tyndale's characteristic words.

and therfore . . . tirannie. CWM 8/1.57/12–22.

iudgeth . . . tirannie. Repeated at CWM 8/1.60/21–23.

drinke no wyne. Cf. Lev. 10.9, Ezek. 44.21.

forbade diverse meates. Cf. Ezek. 44.31.

man . . . creatures. Cf. Gen. 1.28.

David . . . breed. Cf. 1 Sam. 21.3–6.

Moses . . . yeares. Cf. Josh. 5.2–7.

If god . . . in vs. CWM 8/1.60/32–61/10.

ensamples ... in vs. Repeated at CWM 8/1.73/26–27.

the daye . . . man. Cf. Mark 2.27.

And likewyse . . . church. CWM 8/1.74/14–20.

the preast . . . oyle. Cf. CWM 8/1.58/31–33.

holysalt . . . oyle. Used in the sacrament of Baptism, cf. [B2, reference to "oyle / salte / spittell / taper & chresom cloth of the substaunce of baptim"]. For material objects used in religious rites, cf. [F3v, commentary note concerning "holy water ... holy salt"].

and so . . . forth. CWM 8/1.76/10–18.

captyvateth his witte. Cf. 2 Cor. 10.5. Tyndale taunts More with this clause fourteen times.

But . . . hed. CWM 8/1.121/11–14.

turcke.Tyndale associates Turks with papists in their erroneous belief in justification by works, not faith. Thus, Answer has more references to the Turks than any other of the independent works. Cf. Mammon I1; Obedience C7v, D2v, I3v; Prelates B5; Matthew a3v, f3v, 02, 06. By opposing killing Turks in the name of Christianity, Tyndale echoes the final section of Erasmus' 1515 account of the adage Dulce bellum inexpertis; "Wars are sweet to them who know them not," Tilley W58. Cf. Adagia 4.1.1 (LB 2.966D-970A; not yet in ASD or CWE); Margaret Mann Phillips, The 'Adages' of Erasmus (Cambridge UP, 1964) 344–52. Rather than arms or scholastic philosophy, Erasmus offers the philosophia Christi as a better way to overcome the Turks in the preface to a new edition of the Enchiridion. Cf. Ep. 858, To Paul Volz, Basel, 14 August 1518 (Allen 3.364/78–366/154; CWE 6.75/85–77/165; also found in Holborn 5/14–7/20; CWE 66.10–12). Because of the moral failures of Christendom, Erasmus was pessimistic about a victory over the Turks in his 1530 "consultation," De bello Turcis inferendo. See the introduction to De bello by A.G. Weiler (ASD 5/3.20–27; not yet in CWE). Early in his career, Luther had denounced collecting indulgence money, not only for the supposed release of the souls in purgatory, e.g. Thesis 27, but also for a crusade against the Turks, Resolutions of 1518 (WA 1.535/29–39; LW 31.91–92). Gradually his position became more nuanced. In his On War Against the Turk, 1529 (WA 30/2.107–48; LW 46.161–205), and again in Eine Heerpredigt wider den Türken, 1529 (WA 30/2.160–97; not in LW), Luther affirmed the right of the emperor to make a military defense against the Turks. Writing in the Tower of London in 1534–35, More sets his Dialogue of Comfort (CWM 12) in Hungary between the Muslim victory at Mohács (August 1526) and the unsuccessful siege of Vienna (October 1529). The Great Turk is at once Suleiman the Magnificent and Henry VIII. See Brandon H. Beck, From the Rising of the Sun: English Images of the Ottoman Empire to 1715, American University Studies, Series IX, History 20 (New York: Peter Lang, 1987).

whom . . . loue. Cf. Matt. 5.44, Luke 6.35.

He beleveth . . . lyves. CWM 8/1.123/26–29. Cf. CWM 8/2.810/17–24.

angrye with him. Cf. Matt. 5.22.

wordlie purposse. Tyndale frequently makes a pun on "wordly " and "worldly": e.g.,[D5, reference to “wordly wisdom” and commentary note; E7, reference to “wordely businesses”; F4v, reference to “wordly princes”]; Mammon A6v etc., Obedience A7 etc., 1 John F4v etc.

writen in his harte. Cf. Jer. 31.33, Heb. 8.10, Heb. 10.16. This is the most frequently quoted biblical text in Answer, twentythree times in all. For an examination of this text in relation to Tyndale's emphasis on justification by faith and as a foreshadowing of covenant theology, cf. O'Donnell, "Scripture versus Church," Moreana 106–7, "Biblical Interpretation in the Age of Thomas More: Numéro spécial William Tyndale" (July 1991) 119— 30, esp. 120 and n7. Marc'hadour discusses Jer. 31.33 (cf. Bible 3.194–96), quoted in Heb. 8.10 and Heb.10.16, as one of seven major biblical texts frequently used by More. His other key texts are Matt. 16.18, Matt. 18.20, Matt. 28.20, John 16.13, John 20.30, and Ps. 67.7 in Vulgate (Ps. 68.6 in KJV) (cf. Bible 4.117). Following the Hebrew text, the numbers of the psalms in the KJV are usually one digit higher than the Septuagint and the Vulgate after Ps. 8 and before Ps. 148 (NCE 11.935). Since the KJV does not count the heading as a verse, within individual psalms its numbers are often one digit behind the Vulgate.

He supposeth . . . blinde. CWM 8/1.124/36–125/11. Tyndale opposes the legalistic definition of charity as the mere absence of irate feeling and ill-will. Such teaching is exemplified by Silvester Prierias in his treatment of love of enemies in the frequently reprinted Summa summarum de casibus conscientiae (Bologna , 1514), s.v. charitas. Luther had rejected a similar reduction of charity to an obligation to give help only in cases of dire necessity , in the earliest extant disputation that he chaired in Wittenberg, September 1516 (WA 1.149; not in LW).

betell blinde. Cf. [L7v, “O how betleblinde is fleshlye reason!”] and Tilley B219.

charter house monkes. The Carthusians were founded in the French Alps by St. Bruno in 1084. They never eat meat (Obedience O4v), and keep silence except for a period on Sundays and major feasts (NCE 3.162–67; OER 1.266–69). Tyndale satirically advises the husband of a garrulous wife to buy silence from the Charterhouse (Obedience Q8v). Erasmus contrasts a veteran with a monk who meditates on the Bible and Fathers in "The Soldier and the Carthusian," August 1523, Colloquies (ASD 1/3.314–19; CWE 39.328–43). According to his son-in-law, More lived without vows in the London Charterhouse before finally deciding to marry (Roper 6/9— 11). On 4 May 1535, two months before his own death, More and his daughter Margaret watched three Carthusian priors leave the Tower on their way to execution (Roper 80/9ff). Among the fifty persons who died under Henry VIII for rejecting the royal supremacy, the Carthusians were the largest group with a total of eighteen, followed by eleven diocesan priests including Fisher, seven laypeople including More, seven Benedictines, five Franciscans, one Austin friar and the Bridgittine Richard Reynolds (NCE 9.318–32, 17.36).

If. . . forth. CWM 8/1.125/35–126/3.

And the holidaye . . . lawes. CWM 8/1.126/16–19.

And in ceremonyes . . . out. CWM 8/1.127/17–21.

For . . . myte. CWM 8/1.128/4–8.

He . . .forth. CWM 8/1.128/18–19.

holye gost . . . iudgement. Cf. John 16.8, 11.

if . . . se. Cf. Mark 8.18.

the spirituall . . . secretes. Cf. 1 Cor. 2.15, 10. In Luther's To the Christian Nobility, 1520, the spiritual foundation for critical discernment (cf. 1 Cor 2.15) was pivotal in calling believers to test Roman practices by the norm of the common faith (WA 6.411/8–412/38; LW 44.133–36, esp. 135).

Wherfore . . . vnderstondinge. CWM 8/1.130/16–24.

oxe . . . vnderstondinge. Cf. Ps. 32.9.

Iudge . . . church. Cf. CWM 8/1.131/18–19.

whether their auctorite be aboue the scripture. Later [P4v, reference to “vnion of doctours” and commentary note; R4v, reference to reference to “vnion of doctoures”], Tyndale refers to Unio Dissidentium, a patristic anthology on Reformation topics. The handbook (UD 1.X2) contains an excerpt from Ep. 82, Augustine to Jerome (AD 405) on the supremacy of Scripture, 1.3 (PL 33.277; CSEL 34/2.354; Parsons 1.392). For further statements on this theme by Augustine, cf. [L4, reference to “S. Augustine . . . not alowe” and commentary note].

whether . . . can. CWM 8/1.132/23–25.

And agenst . . . yies. CWM 8/1.134/28–30.

domme ceremonies. Cf. CWM 8/2.638/27–31.

purgatorye. Tyndale refers to purgatory in his other major works: as an invention of the pope to gain money (Obedience K2v, L2, N5v, T1), as an extension of papal power (Prelates E5), as lasting as long as hell (1 John C1v), as no more real than Utopia (Matthew k1). Early in 1529 the lawyer Simon Fish produced a pamphlet against financial exactions by the church entitled A Supplicacyon for the Beggers (Appendix B, CWM 7.412–22). Later that same year, More published two editions of The Supplication of Souls, a dramatic monologue spoken by the souls in purgatory "To all good Crysten people" (CWM 7.111–228). Still later, John Frith published A disputacion of purgatorye (Antwerp, 1531) STC 11386.5, a wellorganized attack against the arguments of Rastell from reason, More from Scripture, and Fisher from the Fathers.

prayinge to postes. Veneration of relics of the true cross on Good Friday originated in Jerusalem, and was introduced at Rome by the mid-7c. The custom is still observed by Roman Catholics. The presider and two attendants hold a replica of the cross for the faithful to honor by genuflecting before it and kissing it (NCE 6.621–24, esp. 622–23). More calls the procession "creeping to the cross" (CWM 8/1.150/5–6). For the wooden statue of Our Lady of Willesden, cf. [K5, reference to “our lady of wilsdon” and commentary note].

Iudge . . . thinges. CWM 8/1.135/21–28.

aboue .viij. hundred yeares. Cf. CWM 8/1.152/9–10, 368/24–25. This is the first reference in Answer to Tyndale's position that the fall of the church, the beginning of papal and hierarchical misrule with the ascendancy of error on faith and good works, began eight hundred years before. Although this period coincides with the rise of Islam, Tyndale refers particularly to the anointing of Pepin III, the father of Charlemagne, by Stephen II (pope, 752–57) in 754 (Prelates D7r—v), which signified the alliance with the Franks that was basic to papal claims to territories in Italy.

Marke . . . swerde. CWM 8/1.136/4–8.

samsumims. The Zamzummims supposedly were giants who lived in a region later claimed by the Ammonites, cf. Deut. 2.20.

Haue . . . inspire them. CWM 8/1.137/7–10.

scribes / pharises. For the opposition of scribes and Pharisees to Christ as anticipating persecution by Catholics of reformers, cf. Matt. 23.13–29. Pilate. Cf. Matt. 27.17–26, Mark 15.1–15, Luke 23.1–25, John 18.29–19.16. Herode. Cf. Luke 23.7–12. Caiphas & Anna. Cf. John 18.13–14, 19–24.

gathered to gether agenst God & Christ. Ps. 2.2.

achitophell. Cf. 2 Sam. 16.20–23.

Marke . . . theirs. CWM 8/1.137/26–29.

Marke . . . darkenesse. CWM 8/1.139/9–14.

it is tyme to awake. Cf. Rom. 13.11.

if . . . iudge. Cf. 2 Tim. 4.1.

spirite. Divine power or influence. Tyndale uses "holy gost" for the third person of the Trinity.

Wherfore . . . Amen. CWM 8/1.139/31–36.

Thys . . . significacions. CWM 8/1.145/18.

signifyeth . . . praye. Summarized at CWM 8/1.145/20–23.

it . . . goodly. Quoted almost verbatim at CWM 8/1.148/ 15–18.

the officers ... vnderstode. Cf. CWM 8/1.150/13–14, 161/14–15.

instructe . . . howsholde. Cf. 1 Tim. 3.4.

buzsinges . . . beres. Cf. CWM 8/1.150/10–12.

promyses . . . christe. Cf. 2 Cor. 1.20.

we . . . all. Cf. CWM 8/1.148/21–22.

olde hethen people. Tyndale names Aristotle the chief of philosophers because of his great learning (Obedience H6v). Tyndale rejects as works-righteousness Aristotle's definition of virtue as the habit of performing good acts, the foundational principle of the Ethics (Mammon G5r—v, Obedience B8v—C1), as well as Aristotle 's position on the eternal existence of the world (On the Heavens 1.3; Obedience B8v). Tyndale also makes general references to Aristotle's Logic (Obedience C2v) and Metaphysics ([M6v, reference to “he that hath .x. wiues hath one wife,” and commentary note], Mammon G5, Obedience C2v). A sidenote to Deut. 4 urges subordinating Aristotle to Scripture and not vice versa (Mombert 536; TOT 262). Tyndale alludes to Socrates and Plato (Mammon G4v) reduces Plato and Aristotle to the same level as Robin Hood (Obedience H8v), and notes with approval that Augustine corrected his early attachment to Plato by diligent study of Scripture (Obedience B8v).

And of the lawe . . . power. Cf. CWM 8/1.149/15–17. Tyndale attacks Catholic works-righteousness by likening it to Turkish, i.e. Muslim, and pagan beliefs in the natural power of free will to obey God's will, supposedly without the intervention of God's grace and help. For an account of Luther's critique of works-righteousness, cf. Wicks, Luther's Reform 7–9,16–21, 30–33, and 63–70.

neyther . . . god. Cf. CWM 8/1.149/31–32, 159/32–33.

we . . . imagininge. Cf. CWM 8/1. 149/28–31.

Kinge wyllyam. By presenting himself as a defender of the church, the Duke of Normandy won support for invading England from Alexander II (pope, 1061–73) (Prelates F2v) (NCE 14.918–19). As William I (king, 1066–87), he confiscated gold and silver from monasteries. Cf. Bk. 7, Ch. 1 of Polychronicon Ranulphi Hidgen Monachi Cestrensis together with the English Translations of John Trevisa and of an Unknown Writer of the Fifteenth Century, ed. Joseph Rawson Lumby (London, 1879) 7.256–57. William also placed bishoprics and abbeys holding baronies under military rule, conscripted soldiers from dependents of religious houses, and exiled many ecclesiastics who resisted his decrees. Cf. Roger of Wendover, Flowers of History, 2 vols., tr. J.A. Giles (London, 1849) 1.338.

Kinge Iohan. Omitting references to the contract with the barons in Magna Carta (1215), Tyndale notes the struggles of John (king, 1199–1216) with the church: the contested election of Stephen Langton as Archbishop of Canterbury (Prelates F3v), his prohibition of appeals to Rome (Matthew b7), and the papal interdiction of England (Mammon H5v; Obedience L6, V5v). In 1209 Innocent III (pope, 1198–1216) excommunicated John, and later ordered Philip II Augustus of France (king, 1180–1223) to depose John and ascend his throne. In response, John promised to accept Langton and restore confiscated church property. In May 1213 he surrendered the kingdoms of England and Ireland to the legate Pandulph and received them back as papal fiefdoms with the obligation to pay a yearly tribute to Rome (NCE 7.1023–24). By the end of the 13 c, the custom of paying feudal dues to the pope was dying out; it was paid only once in the 14c: by Edward III (king, 1327–77) in 1333. In 1366 Parliament repudiated John's offer of tribute because it had been given without its consent, a decision accepted by UrbanV (pope, 1362–70), cf. Lunt, Papacy 66–70. In The Supplication of Souls, 1529, More denied King John had the power to surrender sovereignty to the pope (CWM 7.129/1–7). The Folger copy of Answer to More was once owned and autographed by "Iohan bale." Tyndale's anti-papal feeling thus influenced Bale's proto-history play King Johan (c1540–63), and indirectly Shakespeare's King John (performed 1596, published 1623).

Thomas bekett. Becket (archbishop, 1162–70) was murdered in Canterbury Cathedral at the wish of Henry II (king, 1154–89) (NCE 2.212–14). In Prelates Tyndale depicts Becket as a corrupt role model for Wolsey (D3, F1v—F2). Tyndale disapproved of clerical exemption from civil law, a cause for which Becket died (G3v).> Fifty years after Becket's death, his relics were transferred from the crypt to the Trinity Chapel above it on 7 July 1220. Cf. John Butler, The Quest for Becket's Bones (New Haven: Yale UP, 1995) 20,45. In his last letter More comments on 6 July, the day set for his execution : ".. . it is S. Thomas evin, and the vtas [octave] of Sainte Peter and therefore to morowe longe I to goe to God. . . ." From Ep. 218, To Margaret Roper, Tower of London, 5 July 1535 (More, Correspondence 564/19–21). In Colloquies, Erasmus describes a visit to Canterbury CI512, in which Colet contrasts Becket's alms to the poor with the bejewelled shrine, "A Pilgrimage for Religion's Sake," February 1526 (ASD 1/3.470–94; CWE 40.644/1–23). The spoliation of this shrine in September 1538 prompted the long-delayed excommunication of Henry VIII in December. See J.J. Scarisbrick, "Fisher, Henry VIII and the Reformation crisis," in Bradshaw and Duffy 155–68.

monkes / freres / blacke / whit / pied / grey. Cf. [I1v, “one will serue him in white / another in blacke / a nother in greye and a nother in pied”]. In England and Wales at the end of the period between 1500 and 1534, there were approximately 254 communities of monks, 286 of canons regular, 183 of friars, totaling 723 male religious houses. These contained approximately 3699 monks, 2874 canons, and 2596 friars totaling 9169 male religious. Cf. David Knowles and R. Neville Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses: England and Wales, 2d ed. (NewYork: St. Martin's, 1971) Appendix II, 494. For Haigh's approximate estimate of 10,000 priests in religious communities in the early 1530s, cf. [F6v, reference to “.xx. thousand prestes curates” and commentary note]. For negative critics, the garb and tonsure of monks and friars exemplified self-invented and external ways of serving God, cf. Moriae, 1511, 1514 (ASD 4/3.160/538–52; CWE 27.131). In his Paradise of Fools, Milton will reprise Tyndale's satiric theme when he mocks "Embryo's and Idiots, Eremits and Friers / White, Black and Grey, with all thir trumperie" (Paradise Lost 3.474–75). Benedictines (founded between c530 and 540) were called "Black Monks" (NCE 2.283–85), and Cistercians (1098) were called "White Monks" (NCE 3.885–89) because of the color of their respective habits. A sidenote to 4 Kings 23 from Matthew's Bible (1537) makes a witty reference to the "black monks of Baal" (TOT 537). Similarly, Augustinians were called "Black Canons" (see below) from their black capes. Premonstratensians (1120) were called "White Canons" from their white habits. Cf. J.C. Dickinson, The Origins of the Austin Canons and Their Introduction into England (London: SPCK, 1950) 185; H.M. Colvin, The White Canons in England (Oxford: Clarendon, 1951) 3–4. Dominicans (1216) or "Blackfriars" wore black cloaks over white tunics ; Carmelites (1226) or "Whitefriars" wore white cloaks over brown tunics. Franciscans or Minorites (1223) were called "graye frires" ([L1, reference to “the deuocion of that the graye frires gaue him”]) from the color of their undyed habits (NCE 6.198). Augustinian canons evolved from diocesan priests living in community who adopted the rule of St. Augustine (1139). Erasmus joined the Austin Canons c1487, but lived outside his monastery for twenty-five years: from his ordination in 1492 until a papal dispensation in 1517 gave him the status of a secular priest of the Diocese of Utrecht. After he left the Canons Regular, Erasmus called them amphibians because of their position between monks and diocesan canons. Cf. "A Pilgrimage for Religion's Sake," February 1526, Colloquies (ASD 1/3.475/157–60; CWE 40.629/7–10). Augustinian friars were formed by the consolidation of groups of hermits (1256) (OER 1.100–1). Luther entered the Observant Augustinians in 1505, living as an exemplary religious at Erfurt and Wittenberg until he was dispensed from his vows by his provincial superior, Johann von Staupitz (OER 4.109–11). Since Tyndale opposed the creation of fictions, we should not be surprised to learn that the Pied Friars were an actual order. The Friars of the Blessed Mary began in Marseilles in mid-13 c, founded houses in London, Norwich, and Cambridge, but died out after small mendicant orders were suppressed by Lyons II (1274). Their black scapular, white mantle, and black hood made them resemble magpies. See Richard W. Emery, "The Friars of the Blessed Mary and the Pied Friars," Speculum 24 (1949) 228–38. Later, Tyndale will dismiss the multiplicity of religious orders because they are "as pied in their consciences as in their cotes" [H6v]. When the mendicant orders declined from the ideals of their founders, they were given the name of "CAIM" or "Cain," an acronym for Carmelites, Augustinians, Jacobites (from the Dominican house of St. Jacques in Paris), and Minorites. Cf. John Wyclif, Trialogus, Bk. 4, Ch. 25, p. 200, "A Treatise . . . against Orders of Friars," 217–56, in Tracts and Treatises, tr. Robert Vaughan (London, 1845). Chaucer's friar outdoes all other members of "the ordres foure" in "daliaunce and fair langage" ("General Prologue," Canterbury Tales, I [A] 210–11). Continuing this negative criticism of the friars, Tyndale asserts that those who serve their bellies before God should not be trusted with preaching to the parish (Obedience Q6v—Q7). Friars in general are guilty of gluttony and greed, but the Austin friars in London supposedly murdered one of their brethren (Matthew o7v). In the Obedience (Q8r—v), Tyndale singles out the Franciscan Observants , who falsely portray themselves as strict adherents of the rule of poverty. In Prelates (G2), he cites Friar Bungay's encouragement of Edward IV to marry Elizabeth Grey instead of Isabel of Castile. For the hearing of confessions by priests in religious orders, cf. [B3v, section beginning “Why knowledge and not confessyon / repentaunce and not penaunce” and commentary note]. The Franciscans, the largest order in the medieval church, are overly devoted to saints, especially their founder, who sits highest in heaven under Christ (Matthew a3v). In Matthew (i3v, o7v) Tyndale 's image of rich and fat friars is a synecdoche for those who place the rules of their orders above the laws of God. Thus, Tyndale Iaments the daily increase in the number of monks, canons, friars, nuns (Obedience R1), who falsely invoke the name of Christ to preach only their own traditions (Obedience I5v).Trust in ceremonies and monastic vows (1 John F3v), wearing a Franciscan or a Dominican habit to the grave (Mammon A8, I1v; Matthew d4v, k8), all seem to overshadow faith in Christ's sacrifice. For burial in the Franciscan habit, cf. "The Funeral," February 1526, Colloquies (ASD 1/3.546/328 to 547/366; CWE 40.774/27 to 775/27); "The Seraphic Funeral," September 1531 (ASD 1/3.687/40 to 688/61; CWE 40.1000/36 to 1001/18).Tyndale's mockery of the orders is explained not only by their moral corruption, but by their theological error in emphasizing works over faith. Some friars became notable reformers, e.g.: from the Observant Franciscans William Roye (d. c1531), Tyndale's assistant on the first edition of the NT; from the Dominicans Martin Bucer (1491–1551), Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge (OER 1.221- 24); from the Carmelites John Bale (1495–1563), dramatist and historian (OER 1.113–14); from the Augustinians Miles Coverdale (1488–1568), editor of the first complete Bible printed in English (1535) (OER 1.445–46), cf. [N8, reference to “parlament . . . not be in englysh” and commentary note]. Wearing habits similar to the men of the First Orders with black veils instead of cowls were cloistered women of the Second Orders : Benedictine, Cistercian, Augustinian, Franciscan, Dominican and Bridgittine. In England and Wales at the end of the period between 1500 and 1534, there were 142 communities of nuns and canonesses, containing approximately 1966 members (Knowles and Hadcock, Appendix II, 494). Although some women entered convents without a true vocation, perhaps only five percent of English nuns broke their vow of chastity. Cf. Eileen Power, Medieval English Nunneries, c. 1275 to 1535 (Cambridge UP, 1922) 461. Of special interest is the Dominican convent of Dartford in the Diocese of Rochester. Among its members were Bridget Plantagenet (d. c1517), youngest daughter of Edward IV, and Elizabeth White, half-sister of the local bishop John Fisher (CWM 2.158— 59).The "Rufull Lamentation" (1503) that More composed in the voice of Elizabeth of York bids a special farewell to her Dominican sister (CWM 1.12/74–78). After the nuns were pensioned off in 1539, the monastery became the residence of Anne of Cleves from the annulment of her marriage to Henry VIII until her death (1540–57). Cf. David Knowles OSB, The Religious Orders in England (Cambridge UP, 1959) 3.440.

In . . . disgysinges. Answer objects to the misapplication of the term "church" to the hierarchy and clergy alone. Dialogue had already made the same point, "The chyrche therfore must nedys be the comen knowen multytude of crysten men good and bad togyther / whyle the chyrche is here in erth" (CWM 6/1.205/4–7).

I ... measure. Gal. 1.13. Cf. Erasmus' annotation on Et expugnabam .) 1516 NT, Caeterum ecclesiam uocat congregatiunculam illam Christianorum (Reeve 3.567). "Otherwise he calls the church 'that little congregation of Christians.'"

I ... wemen. Acts 22.4.

I ... chryste. Gal. 1.22.

I ... cenchris. Cf. Rom. 16.1 in which Answer has "the deaconysse of the church" and NT has "a minister of the congregacion " (Wallis 342/5–6;TNT 241A). Referring to the Greek diakonos , Morna D. Hooker judges that "minister" is the better translation. Cf. "Tyndale's 'Heretical' Translation" in Reformation 2 (1997) 127–42, esp. 139.

churches ... you. 1 Cor. 16.19.

yf ... God. 1 Tim. 3.5. Cf. Erasmus' annotation on Ecclesiae dei.), 1522 NT, Nam ecclesia opponitur domo. 1527, Et ecclesia magna domus est (Reeve 3.671)."For 'church' is opposed to 'house.' And yet a church is a great house."

yf ... charged. 1 Tim. 5.16.

if ... church or congregacion. Cf. Matt. 18.16–17.

all ... electe. Cf. CWM 8/1.108/1–4.Tyndale's definition of "church" as the elect will recur at [B8, “But I said . . . so sworne.”, I5v, “Master More . . . written there also.”, L8v, “And I beleue . . . fauoure of god.”]

Notwithstondinge ... lorde. CWM 8/1.146/4–9. This faith worth "nought" [A6v], opposed to "no fayth at all" [A6v], is "historicall faith" [D5v], which Tyndale usually contrasts with "felinge faith" [A6v].

congregacion rather then church. Cf. CWM 6/1.286/26–34.

Wherfore ... congregacion. Cf. CWM 8/1.164/16–21. More omits Tyndale's invective against the clergy as "hard & indurat adamandstones" [A6v] and "shauenflocke" [A6v].

congregacion ... ment. Cf. CWM 8/1.165/31–33.

For ... therto. CWM 8/1.167/8–11.

greke worde. Heinz Holeczek studies the clash between More and Tyndale over translating key NT terms in Humanistische Bibelphilologie als Reformproblem bei Erasmus von Rotterdam, Thomas More und William Tyndale, Studies in the History of Christian Thought 9 (Leiden: Brill, 1975) 310–58.

companie. Cf. Acts 19.24–41. Paul uses ekklesia for a secular assembly in vv. 32, 39, 41. Thus Erasmus prefers concio to ecclesia; 1516 NT (Reeve 2.316); cf. Aldridge 117.

M. More ... ymages. Cf. CWM 8/1.168/38–169/7.

daunce naked in nettes. To act openly, believing one will escape notice. The first recorded use is from Obedience L4v; the second from Confutation (CWM 8/1.177/5), where More refers to this passage from Answer. Cf. ODEP 166 and Tilley N130, "You dance in a Net and think nobody sees you."

M. More ... espye them. Cf. CWM 8/1.176/8–13 and 8/2. 938/30–33. Tyndale usually calls More's religious polemic as unreal as Utopia, whether he is defending the heresy trials of Richard Hunne [N8v, reference to “hunne . . . conuicte” and commentary note] and Robert Forman [P8, reference to “doctoure Ferman person of hony lane” and commentary note] or the existence of purgatory (Matthew k1) and the validity of oral tradition (Matthew l6v). A brief portrait of More (1477/78–1535) as author emerges from Tyndale's scattered allusions. Tyndale emphasizes the irony that the English hierarchy chose the twice-married More to write in behalf of clerical celibacy [N7v, reference to “M. More . . . twise” and commentary note]. Outside of Answer, Tyndale refers to More most often in Prelates: once as the successor to Wolsey as Lord Chancellor (K2r—v), usually as the author of polemic against Luther (K2v), Tyndale's Obedience and Mammon (Prelates K2v), and Simon Fish's Supplication of Beggars (F5, K2v). In Prelates (F5, K2v) Tyndale twice calls More "the proctor of purgatory ," i.e., "advocate" (OED 5.) because of his defense of purgatory in the Supplication of Souls of 1529 (CWM 7). In Tyndale's view, More sold his pen to the Roman cause because he was blinded by covetousness (Matthew l6v). Erasmus describes More's humanistic writings in Ep. 999, To Ulrich von Hutten, Antwerp, 23 July 1519 (Allen 4.12–23; CWE 7.15–25). More's last surviving letter to Erasmus defends his polemical writings, especially against the "heretic Tyndale, a fellow Englishman , who is nowhere and yet everywhere an exile... ." From Ep. 2831, From Thomas More, Chelsea, [June 1533] (Allen 10.259/22; More, Selected Letters 179).

Iudas. Cf. Matt. 27.3–5, Acts 1.16–18.

Balam. Cf. Num. 22–24, and 31–8; 2 Pet. 2.15–16. Since Prelates had written earlier about More (F5, and a cluster on K2r—v), there may be a covert reference to More in the citation of Judas and Balaam (K8v). Only after Dialogue Concerning Heresies attacked Tyndale, did he openly link More to these biblical examples of greed. More alludes to this passage [A7v, ‘But charitablye . . . vengeaunce to repe yt”] at CWM 8/1.180/7–13 and to a later passage [B4, “But so blinde….”, continuing to B4v, “…the open trueth of god.”] at CWM 8/ 1.221/21–22.

Erasmus. This is the first reference in Answer to Erasmus (1466/9–1536), the foremost Greek and Latin scholar in the first third of the 16c. For his life and works, see the entry by O'Donnell in Tudor England. For other works of Erasmus, Tyndale makes direct reference to the Paraclesis (1516) and the Preface to the Paraphrase of Matthew (March 1522) in Obedience (C4). For Mary's supposed personal sins, Tyndale specifically cites the Annotations on Matt. 12, Luke 2, John 2 (Obedience S4v). In explicating the Beatitudes, Tyndale follows the NT versions of Erasmus and Luther in putting "Blessed are they that mourn" before "Blessed are the meek" (Matthew b6). Having translated the Enchiridion (1503) with the prefatory Ep. 858 (1518), Tyndale would readily recall its basic metaphor of the armor of God (1 John G7v), and its explanation in Ch. 7 of the tripartite division of flesh, soul, and spirit (Matthew p3). Tyndale's allusions to Julius II's struggle against the emperor (Obedience E6v) and to the pope's diplomatic alliances with Henry VIII (Obedience E6v; Prelates F8, G7) recall the Julius Exclusus (c1513) attributed to Erasmus (CWE 27).Tyndale perhaps echoes the Colloquies: "The Funeral" (1526) in Mammon (A8, G2), Obedience (L7), 1 John (F3v); "A Pilgrimage for Religion's Sake" (1526) from Colloquies in the Prologue to Numbers (Mombert 393/14–15; TOT 196). Tyndale refers to Erasmus in the prefaces to his New and Old Testaments. Erasmus translates Greek metanoeo, not with peniteo for "repent," but with Latin resipisco for "come to myselfe or to my ryght mynde agayne" (Wallis 10/31–32;TNT 9). Erasmus praises Cuthbert Tunstall (Mombert 5/1–6; TOT 4) in the "Capita Argumentorum "of the 1527 NT (Foxe 5.811n).

ecclesia in to congregacyon. Erasmus' Latin version of the NT left the term ecclesia as the translation of the Greek ekklesia in the great majority of cases. But in his annotations on Rom 16.5, Et domesticam ecclesiam.), 1516 NT (Reeve 2.434) and 1 Cor. 16.19, Cum domestica sua ecclesia.), 1519 NT (Reeve 2.522), Erasmus expresses a preference for congregatio, to show how the Greek ekklesia refers to the familia Christiana. He translates ekklesia as congregatio at Acts 5.11, 7.38, 11.22 and 26, 14.27, also at Rom. 16.5, 2 Cor. 1.1, Philemon 1.2, and 3 John 1.10, cf. Aldridge 117. In the Large Catechism, Luther explains why he prefers to translate ekklesia as gemeyne rather than versammlung. He approves the ancient interpretation of "church" as "communion of saints" because those gathered (versammelt) constitute a body holding in common (als gemeinsam) the gifts of Christ. He could say eine Christiche gemeine oder samlung, but prefers the former term because it indicates that those gathered hold spiritual gifts in common. He thinks the term Gemeinschaft is not apt because it connotates a social organization. Cf. Heinz Bluhm, Martin Luther Creative Translator (St. Louis: Concordia, 1965) 173f. Luther's practice may have suggested to Tyndale the making of a change, but Luther's own substitution did not give Tyndale the new term, "congregacyon," that he introduced. Tyndale translates ekklesia as "congregation" here, 1 John C2, Matthew d5v. Dialogue rejects Tyndale's translation of ekklesia as "congregation " in Bk. 1, Ch. 18 (CWM 6/1.107/23–24) and in Bk. 3, Ch. 8 (CWM 6/1.286/26–34).

Moria. Punning on the name of his host, Erasmus wrote Moriae encomium (1511) at More's home. Cf. Ep. 337 to Maarten van Dorp, Antwerp, [end of May] 1515 (Allen 2.90–114; CWE 3.111–39). More defends the philology, theology, and hermeneutics of Moriae in Ep. 15, To Martin Dorp, Bruges, 21 October <1515> (CWM 15.2–127). Besides this direct reference to Moriae, there are many indirect allusions in Tyndale's works: Philautia (Obedience B8v), scholastic terminology (Obedience C2v), the variety of religious rules (Matthew e3), fat monks (Matthew i3v), quick Masses (Matthew i5), long hours in choir (Matthew i6).

contended ... housse. Cf. CWM 8/1.177/10–14.

Which ... writeth. Cf. CWM 8/1.178/9–10.

wrote ... defendeth. Cf. CWM 8/1. 179/35–36.

Iudas ... choked. Cf. CWM 8/1.179/20–26.

repent ... worlde. Cf. CWM 8/1.180/14–15; resyst ... god. Cf. Acts 7.51.

elder and not prest. Cf. CWM 6/1.285/36–286/25. Tyndale translates presbyteros as "seniour" in Mammon A4 and as "senior" or "elder" in Obedience D1v ff, M3v.

Another ... elder. CWM 8/1.182/8–14.

And in that ... lykewyse. CWM 8/1.183/12–15.

Seniores qui in vobis sunt / obsecro ego consenior / pascite qui in vobis est gregem christi. Tyndale's quotation of 1 Pet. 5.1–2 is close to the Vulgate, which adds ergo after Seniores, omits ego, and uses dei instead of christi. Tyndale could have made a stronger argument against More by quoting Erasmus' 1522 NT, Presbyteros qui inter uos sunt, obsecro, qui sum & ipse presbyter. Out of the five Latin quotations in this section, two follow the Vulgate [A8, “Seniores qui in vobis sunt / obsecro ego consenior / pascite qui in vobis est gregem christi"; A8, “maiores natu ecclesie”] and three Erasmus' 1522 NT [A8, “senior electe domine et filijs eius”; A8, “Senior Gaio dilecto”; A8v, “episcopos ad regendum ecclesiam dei”].

In ... elder. CWM 8/1.184/11–15.

The elders ... persones. CWM 8/1.186/18–22.

senior electe domine et filijs eius. Tyndale's quotation of 2 John 1.1 follows Erasmus' filijs (1522 NT) rather than Vulgate's natis.

Senior Gaio dilecto. Tyndale's quotation of 3 John 1.1 follows dilecto of Erasmus' 1522 NT rather than charissimo of the Vulgate and Erasmus' 1516 NT.

paule ... church. Cf. Acts 20.17. Tyndale's maiores natu [A8] follows the Vulgate, not seniores of 1516 NT, nor presbyteros of 1522 NT.

episcopos ad regendum ecclesiam dei. Tyndale's quotation of Acts 20.28 follows ad regendum of Erasmus' 1522 NT rather than regere of the Vulgate.

take ... god. Acts 20.28.

bisshopes or ouersears. Cf. Acts 20.28. Tyndale translates episkopos as "bishop" or "overseer" elsewhere (Obedience I7, 1 John E1). Tyndale explains that in the NT the names of "bishop," "priest," and "elder" referred to the same office (Prelates B4). For the qualities of a good bishop, cf. 1 Tim. 3.1–2 and Tit. 1.7. A sidenote on the last verse equates episcopal and presbyterian forms of government (Wallis 459; TNT 320). Unio Dissidentium (2.K5v) quotes Jerome to Evangelus, Ep. 146, n.d., Par. 2,"[T]he fact is that the word bishops includes presbyters also" (PL 22.1195; CSEL 56.311; 2NPNF 6.289).

Timothe ... younge. Cf. 1 Tim. 4.12.

presbiteros / preast or elder. For the ordaining of elders by Paul and Barnabas to serve the communities of Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch, cf. Acts 14.23. For Paul's commission to Titus to ordain elders in Crete, cf. Tit. 1.5. For the coupling of the offices of "apostles and elders," cf. Acts 15.2, 4, 6, 22, 23; 16.4. The apostle Peter calls himself an elder in 1 Pet. 5.1.

Paul ... agayne. Cf. 1 Tim. 3.14.

wemen ... preach. Cf. 1 Cor. 11.3, 9–10. A sidenote explains that woman's head-covering is a sign that she is subjected to man (Wallis 360; TNT 253). In spite of the prohibition against women's preaching in 1 Tim. 2.11–12, Tyndale affirms that love of one's neighbor allows women to preach and rule in cases of necessity , cf. [B1, “Might they not . . . gyfte therto?”; O6, “might she not . . . make officers?”].

wemen ... new testament. Tyndale does not name specific OT women leaders but for Deborah, cf. Judg. 4–5; for Huldah, cf. 2 Kings 22.14, 2 Chron. 34.22. An outstanding example of female preaching in the NT is Mary Magdalene's proclamation of Christ's resurrection to the apostles, cf. Mark 16.11, John 20.18.

baptim. Tyndale discusses the ceremonies connected with Baptism [B1v, reference to “the oyle / salte / spittell / taper & chrisom cloth of the substaunce of baptim”], and Baptism as a sign of repentance [O2v, “As baptim . . . bloude of christe.”]. He gave a full exposition of the traditional seven sacraments in Obedience; see esp. "Baptim" (M1v–M2) and "Anoylynge" (O3–O4). He treats Baptism as a promise to obey the Two Great Commandments (1 John A2), and as inward washing (Matthew b1, b2, k6v). Baptism also appears in A Brief Declaration of the Sacraments (A5v, B5—B6v). For Baptism administered by women, cf. [B1, “Mighte she not also baptize?”; B7v, “They wyll happly . . . preach them”; H3v-4, “And when . . . them selues.”].

ministre ... body & bloude. Based on the needs of the neighbor, Tyndale argues that women can celebrate the Eucharist in an emergency, cf. [O6, “loue thy neyboure as thy selfe doeth compel.”]. For More's disagreement, cf. CWM 8/1.92/17–18 and 8/2.807/32–33. For a study of Tyndale's protofeminism , see Donald Dean Smeeton, "Marriage, Motherhood and Ministry: Women in the Dispute between Thomas More and William Tyndale," Churchman 108.3 (1994) 197–212.

preach ... Christe. Cf. CWM 8/1.190/31–36.

O pore . . . wife. Cf. CWM 8/1.191/25–27. More renders Answer's "honeste wife" [B1] as "good woman" (8/1.191/27). In 16c English the two phrases are synonymous, but Tyndale's connotes a married clergy.

as . . . child. Cf. 1 Thess. 2.7.

bewise . . . meke. Cf. 1 Tim. 6.11.

these . . . congregacion. 1 Tim. 3.14–15.

Avoyde lustes of youth. 2 Tim. 2.22.

beware . . . tales. 1 Tim. 4.7.

men of corrupte myndes. 1 Tim. 6.5.

wast . . . questions. Cf. 1 Tim. 6.4.

Let . . . youth. 1 Tim. 4.12.

rebuke . . . sisters. 1 Tim. 5.1–2.

Admitte . . . wittenesses. 1 Tim. 5.19. More ironically rebukes Tyndale for omitting 1 Tim. 4.14 and 2 Tim. 1.6 because for More these two verses on the laying on of hands "clerely proue the holy order of presthed a sacrament" (CWM 8/1.193/2).

bewise . . . affeccion. Tyndale asserts that the major orders from subdeacon to pope are offices, not sacraments (Obedience M3). The following citations from the Epistles to Timothy discuss pastoral leadership, not priesthood.

Paul . . . affeccion. Cf. 1 Tim. 5.21–22.

And when . . .yet. CWM 8/1.196/27–29.

And when ... consequens. Cf. CWM 8/1.197/2–10. Tyndale makes More's frequently repeated phrase an ironic proper name for the Messenger. Confutation renders Answer's "quod youre frend" (18/28) as "quoth your frende" (CWM 8/1.197/7). Later, Answer calls the Messenger "quod he" [M3v, “Where vnto Master More answereth . . . quod he”; P8v, “As master More . . . quod he”].

concedo consequenciam et consequens. "I concede the consequence and whatever is deducible" (tr. PS 3.20n2).Tyndale treats the rites of ordination as a hypothetical cause, "If these rites confer priesthood, then these men are ordained." But Tyndale denies that the rites do confer priesthood. More cites scriptural warrant for the laying on of hands in ordination and thus denies Tyndale 's "consequency" and "consequente" (CWM 8/1.199/2–3, 4, 13). Tyndale refers satirically to logic elsewhere: to the major and minor premise (79/17–18), to the syllogism [H5, “I wold fayne . . . silogismus is made”; N3v, reference to “syluer sylogismoses”; Matthew e1r—v, g3v, o8v). Sometimes Tyndale argues from an effect, which he names a "cause declarative" backwards to the cause. Thus greenery declares that summer is here [Q4, “we saye . . . all is grene”]; a lunar eclipse indicates that the earth has come between the sun and the moon (Mammon B8v). Thanks to Prudence Allen RSM for advice on Tyndale's use of logic.

annoyntynge . . . Iewes. Cf. Lev. 8.12.

chresom cloth. A month after childbirth, the mother offered the chrisom-cloth or its cash equivalent to the minister. If the child died within this month, the white cloth used to wrap it at Baptism became its shroud. Cf. David Cressy, "Purification, Thanksgiving and the Churching of Women," in Birth, Marriage, and Death: Ritual, Religon, and the Life-Cycle in Tudor and Stuart England (Oxford UP, 1997) 197–229, esp. 210–11.

And seinge . . . other. CWM 8/1.195/4–11.

hiereus . . . sacerdos. Tyndale had already discussed these words, together with the Hebrew cohan in Obedience (M3). The New Testament uses these words only for the Jewish clergy, Jesus, and Christians collectively. Of the many possible references to Christ as High Priest, Tyndale cites Heb. 6.19–20, Obedience M3v. For "priestly people," cf. 1 Pet. 2.5, 9; Rev. 1.6, 5.10,20.6.

whi . . . elder. Cf. CWM 8/1.188/1–4.

hebrues . . . elderly. Cf. Exod. 3.16.

scrybes / pharises and the elders. Cf. Matt. 26.3 etc.

loue rather then cheryte. Cf. CWM 6/1.286/35–288/6 and 1 Cor. 13 passim.

pacyence . . . loue. Cf. CWM 8/1.199/24–25.

agape . . . loues. Confutation resumes the discussion of "love" versus "charity," cf. CWM 8/1.200/4–5, and then quotes the full passage, cf. CWM 8/1.201/5–10.

ner euery hope chrysten hope. Cf. CWM 8/1.200/19.

nor ... beleffe. Cf. CWM 8/1.200/12–13.

vse . . . at all. Cf. CWM 8/1.200/19–22.

finally . . . neyboure. CWM 8/1.202/17–18.

though . . . doughter. Cf. CWM 8/1.203/2–5.

fauoure and not grace. Cf. CWM 6/1.290/18–19.

my ladis grace. Cf. Thomas W. Ross, Chaucer's Bawdy (New York: Dutton, 1972) 96–98. Variations on the phrase, "to stand in his lady's grace," occur in Troilus and Criseyde (cf. 3.472, 5.171), as well as in The Canterbury Tales: the description of the Squire ("General Prologue," I [A] 88) and "Merchant's Tale" (IV [E] 2018).

vniuersities . . . graces. More studied only two years at Oxford c1492–94 (Marius 25–28), while Tyndale spent a dozen years there, earning his BA in 1512 and his MA in 1515 (Mozley 12,17).

And wyth . . . goten. Cf. CWM 8/1.203/22–27.

knowlege and not confessyon / repentaunce and not penaunce . Cf. CWM 6/1.19–20. From the 2c to the mid-5c, public penance after private confession was performed for major sins: unchastity , murder, and apostasy. After Leo I (pope, 440–61) decreed in 459 that private confession was sufficent for secret sins, public penance began to decline. Cf. Ep. 168, To the Bishops of Campania , Samnium and Picenum, Ch. 2 (PL 54.1211; synopsis at 2NPNF 12.112). Lateran IV (1215), in the decree Omnis utriusque sexus, required all Christians, upon reaching the age of discretion, to confess their serious sins privately at least once a year to their parish priest. Aquinas taught that confession, contrition and satisfaction were the material of the sacrament of Penance (Summa III, Q. 84, Art. 2, Sed contra), and absolution by the priest was the form (Summa III, Q. 84, Art. 3). In 1439 the Council of Florence formally declared that God forgives mortal sin through the absolution of the priest. The Council of Trent, Session 14, 25 November 1551, On Penance, canon 6, declared that sacramental confession is prescribed by divine law; those who deny this are anathema. Cf. Canons and Decrees of the Council of Trent, tr. H.J. Schroeder OP (St. Louis: Herder, 1941) 102–3. During the Middle Ages, the penitent knelt before or at the side of the priest under the safety of public observation (Duffy, Plates 19–20). For greater privacy, the confessional box began to be used c1565.

The classic study of the sacrament of Penance is by Henry C. Lea, History of Auricular Confession and Indulgences in the Latin Church, 3 vols. (1896; New York: Greenwood, 1968), supplemented by Watkins (1920), and updated by Thomas N. Tender, Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation (Princeton UP, 1977).

Erasmus noted the change from public to private confession in an annotation on Acts 19.18; 1516, 1519 NT (Reeve 2.315). His Ratio verae theologiae (1518) affirmed that one should certainly practice the developed form of individual confession as required by the church under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. But a theologian should not make it an article of faith that Jesus himself instituted the practice, cf. Holborn 205f, 210. In the 1520s after Edward Lee and Jacobus Stunica attacked Erasmus on this point, he defended his view, with nuances, in lengthy apologetic works. Cf. Payne 181–91, 319–22; Erika Rummel, Erasmus' Annotations on the New Testament (U of Toronto P, 1986) 152–56. (JW)

See Erasmus on Jas. 5.16, the clearest NT reference to confessing one's sins, not only to God, but to another human. Peccata uestra.) . . . 1516 NT, Sentit enim de quotidianis offensis Christianorum inter ipsos , quos continuo uult reconciliari. Alioqui si de confessione sensisset, quam dicimus partem sacramenti poenitentiae, non addidisset "allelois," id est, uobis inuicem, sed sacerdotibus (Reeve 3.744)."Your sins.) . . . For he is thinking about the daily offenses of Christians among themselves , whom he wishes to be reconciled immediately. If he were thinking about confession, which we call a part of the sacrament of Penance, he would not have added allelois that is, 'to you reciprocally ,' but 'to the priests.'"

See also Erasmus' long note on Matt. 3.2, Poenitentiam agite.). Two sidenotes crystallize his position (Reeve 1.18): 1519 NT, "metanoein" mutatam mentem sonat, non afflictionem corporis, "metanoein means 'changing the mind' not 'afflicting the body'"; 1516 NT, Resipiscere, pro poenitentiam agere, "'To look back' for 'to do penance.'"

Referring to Tertullian, Erasmus asserts that this verse does not allude to the sacrament of Penance, 1527 NT, Nam & in Graeco, inquit, sono poenitentiae nomen non ex delicti confessione, sed ex animi de- mutatione compositum est (Reeve 1.18)."He also says that the name for penance in the Greek language is constructed [from meta and noeia], not with respect to the confession of a fault, but to the alteration of the soul." Thanks to Germain Marc'hadour for help with the translation. KJV uses "repentance" but never "penance." Tyndale discusses the same crux, metanoein for "repente" or "forthynke " instead of "do penance" [B4, “The greke . . . forthynke”] in Obedience M6v. Wyclif frequently translated metanoein as "forthink," as in Luke 17.4 (cf. PS 1.260n2).

Tyndale shows little affinity with Luther's defense of himself on the issue of contrition as he responded to papal censure in Exsurge Domine, Art. 6 (DS 1456; Neuner-Dupuis 1614/6), e.g., in Defense and Explanation of All the Articles, December 1520 (WA 7.114–16; LW 32.34–38). On penitential satisfaction, Luther's responses were more developed (ibid., WA 7.112–13; LW 32.32–35), but he too said that God's visitation in grace leads spontaneously to love of righteousness and good works (ibid., WA 7.116–17; LW 32.38–42). However, Tyndale does not follow Luther's emphatic teaching on faith in the absolution that is given in virtue of Christ's mandate of binding and loosing (cf. Matt. 16.19). This we find in the response to Exsurge's censure of Arts. 10–12 (ibid., WA 7.119–20; LW 32.45–50).

In 1528 Tyndale gives an extended discussion of penance, confession, contrition, satisfaction, and absolution in Obedience (M6v—O1). He deplores the burden to scrupulous consciences (L3), and asserts that the seal of confession is frequently broken for political advantage (V3v—V4). In Prelates (G2v) Tyndale condemns the Observant Franciscans of Greenwich, along with the Carthusians and Bridgittines, for passing political information learned from auricular confession through Cardinal Morton and Bishop Fox of Winchester to Henry VII. Tyndale might have known the case of the third Duke of Buckingham (1478–1521), a descendant of Edward III, who listened approvingly to prophecies that he would become king. His confessor John Delacourt testified against him at his treason trial despite being sworn to "keep it secret under the seal of confession" (LP 3/1, no. 1284). See Barbara J. Harris, Edward Stafford: Third Duke of Buckingham, 1478–1521 (Stanford UP, 1986).

Tyndale approves the public penances enjoined in the early church as a means to tame the flesh (1 John H3v), but he decries the teachings on good works, purgatory, and indulgences as abuses of episcopal power (C2—C3v). He could accept auricular confession restored to right use (B3v).

And that . . . worde. Cf. CWM 8/1.204/26–28.

But . . . subsequens. Cf. CWM 8/1.205/7–13.

wyth . . . priapus. CWM 8/1.207/10–14. See More's earlier discussion, "Of confessyon" (CWM 8/1.89/7–8), where he quotes Tyndale's Obedience M8v. Probably through inadvertence, Tyndale does not give the Greek exhomologesis for "knowledge" instead of"confession" (21/6), but More supplies the missing word (CWM 8/1.208/4). In 1524, Erasmus published Exomologesis sive modus confitendi (LB 5.145A— 17oD). This was later translated as A lytle treatise of the maner and forme of confession (1535?), STC 10498. This work develops nine advantages, nine evils, and nine remedies for confession, an examination of conscience for many social roles, and types of penances. Under the first advantage, it describes public penance as required in the early church but now mitigated (LB 5.149D—F; C5r—v). Under the ninth evil, it explains that the sinner was admitted to public penance only once in the early church (LB 5.157A; G6v). Under the first evil, it complains that some priests repeat sins confessed to them, sometimes even mentioning the names of penitents (LB 5.153E; E7). In the Colloquies, young Gaspar doubts that auricular confession was instituted by Christ, but, nevertheless, he makes a brief confession of serious sins to a prudent priest in "The Whole Duty of Youth," March 1522 (ASD 1/3.177/1724 to 179/1760; CWE 39.96/1–97/39).

And in lyke maner . . . synnes. Cf. CWM 8/1.209/12— 16.

christ . . . synnes. Cf. Eph. 1.7 and Heb. 9.14.

and we . . . backe. CWM 8/1.209/26–28.

And if. . . of. Cf. CWM 8/1.211/21–24.

And as . . . dyd yt. Cf. CWM 8/1.211/35–38.

repent . . . tydynges. Cf. Mark 1.15, Rom. 10.15.

So . . . lyfe. Cf. CWM 8/1.213/2–4. Note Tyndale's use of doublets: "repent or let yt forthynke you" [B4], "gospell or glad tydynges" [B4].

lyue a new lyfe. Cf. Rom. 6.4.

And yt . . . purpose. CWM 8/1.215/26–27.

And yf . . . commaundementes. Cf. CWM 8/1.218/22— 24.

These . . . yer I. Cf. CWM 8/1.219/16–19. More began the study of Greek with William Grocyn. Cf. Ep. 2, To John Holt, London, cNovember 1501 > (More, Correspondence 4/14; Selected Letters 2). More studied Aristotle with Thomas Linacre. Cf. Ep. 15, To Martin Dorp, Bruges, 21 October <1515> (CWM 15.102/11- 12). Erasmus later repeats this information. Cf. Ep. 1117, To Germain de Brie, Antwerp, 25 June 1520 (Allen 4.294/93–94; CWE 7.321/101–2).

so blinde is couetousenesse. Since Tyndale believes that More has been corrupted by avarice, Answer contains many references to spiritual darkness. The Foundational Essay, e.g., deplores willful blindness in religious leaders [A1v, “their yies to be blinde” and following; A3, “when he flatereth them and blindeth them” and following; A5v, “all that oure blinde hertes desyre”; A7v, “his couetousenesse did so blynd his prophesie”; B4, “Giftes blinde the eies of the seinge”; C2v, “for the blinde zele of them make sectes”; D1, “And in like maner haue they . . . blinded the right waye”] or ignorance in their followers [C4v, “the wylde rages of lustes that blinded their wittes”; E1v, “confused termes leadeth you blindfold”; F4v, “we be confirmed in blindenesse”; F6, “to confirme vs in blindnesse?” and following].

Giftes . . . righteous. Deut. 16.19. The opening verses of Tyndale's Deut. 17 ([B4-4v, “Giftes blinde the eies . . . wordes of the righteous]; ; Mombert 577; TOT 280) equal the Vulgate's and KJV's Deut. 16.18–22. (The Pentateuch in TOT lacks page divisions into ABC etc.)

sinne . . . come. Cf. Matt. 12.31–32.

Iudas . . . Pharao . . . Balam. Cf. CWM 8/1.221/33–34. For Judas and Balaam, cf. [A7v, “Iudas . . . his awne ende” and commentary notes]; for Pharaoh, cf. Exod. 9–14.

make marchaundice of the people. Cf. 2 Pet. 2.3.

¶Whether . . . church. The title of this section is given at CWM 8/1.223/11–12 and repeated at CWM 8/1.225/2–4.

we are begotten thorow the worde. Cf. 1 Pet. 1.3.

how . . . preacher. Rom. 10.14. O'Donnell corrected the sidenote from Rom. 9 to Rom. 10.

Another . . . congregacion. CWM 8/1.225/2–18.

And agayne . . . therto. CWM 8/1.227/34–37.

lienge . . . word. Cf. CWM 8/1.242/6–10.

Ihon .xv. . . .word. John 15.3.

Ihon .xvij. . . . thy trueth. Cf. John 17.17.

Ihon .xvij. . . . for true. CWM 8/1.229/13–16.

But . . . true. CWM 8/1.229/20–21.

Ihon .v. . . . man. John 5.34.

And Christ . . . Christes. CWM 8/1.229/34–36.

vnwritten. Dialogue Bk. 1, Ch. 25, asserts that, in addition to Scripture, truths necessary to salvation are found in tradition (CWM 6/1.137–53).

¶ Whether . . . beleued. CWM 8/1.254/1–2. For brief objections to the principle of sola scriptura, cf. CWM 8/1.134/7— 8, 156/36–157/1.

But . . . written. CWM 8/1.255/18–23.

therfore . . . written. Cf. John 21.25. Tyndale claims that Christ and the apostles performed a miracle to validate each point of doctrine, but More denies this position (CWM 8/1.247/29— 30).

the pith . . . written. Cf. CWM 8/1.258/12–14.

So . . . written. CWM 8/1.258/14–16.

For if . . . that is written. Cf. CWM 8/1.263/11–13.

false . . . possible. Cf. Matt. 24.24, Mark 13.22.

in as moch . . . people. CWM 8/1.264/28–33.

Some man . . . sonne. Cf. CWM 8/1.271/34–272/3.

God . . . write. CWM 8/1.273/36.

And that . . . testifie. CWM 8/1.274/8–9.

Notwithstondinge . . . preachynge. CWM 8/1.274/22—24.

popetrie. Cf. Obedience G5v, Matthew k2v. Tyndale refers to religious ceremonies and scriptural glosses as other examples of false "poetry" (1 John A6v). Tyndale rebuked his former assistant William Roye for discrediting the reformers' cause by using "raylinge rymes" (Mammon A3) against Wolsey in Barlowe and Roye. A sidenote on Gen. 47 views poetry as the ivy that strangles the tree of truth (Mombert 143; TOT 76). Cf. Peter C. Herman, Squitter-Wits and Muse-Haters: Sidney, Spenser, Milton and Antipoetic Sentiment (Detroit:Wayne State UP, 1996) 34–43, esp. 41.

And beyonde . . . bokes. Cf. CWM 8/1.276/35–277/3, 300/12–13.

if. . . scripture. Cf. CWM 8/1.279/14–16.

The testament . . . raynebowe. Cf. Gen. 9.12–17.

And the appoyntement . . . circumcision. Gen. 17.9–14.

Actes .vij. . . . circumcision. Acts 7.8.

The testament . . . declared. CWM 8/1.277/10–17.

But . . . scripture. CWM 8/1.280/11–13 and referred to at CWM 8/1.280/19–20.

then all . . . miracles. Cf. CWM 8/1.280/31–33.

angels . . . preached. Cf. Gal. 1.8.

How . . . scripture. Cf. CWM 8/1.284/15–17.

Wherfore . . . eyes. Cf. CWM 8/1.282/18–27.

profitable . . . eyes. Cf. CWM 8/1.290/21–22 and repeated at CWM 8/1.290/32.

What . . . heuen. For Mary's Assumption, cf. CWM 8/1.285/2, 290/24.

what . . . purgatorye. Cf. CWM 8/1.288/27, 290/24.

to feare men thou wilt saye. Cf. CWM 8/1.288/33.

Christ . . . halfe pence. CWM 8/1.289/24–27.

And that . . . purpose. Cf. CWM 8/1.290/37–38.

mocked . . . resurreccion. Cf. Acts 17.32.

Christ was god and man. Cf. John 1.14.

died betwene .ij. theves. Cf. Matt. 27.38, Mark 15.27, and esp. Luke 23.39–43 for the story of the Good Thief.

bred . . . bloude. For the institution of the Eucharist, cf. Matt. 26.26–28, Mark 14.22–24, Luke 22.19–20, 1 Cor. 11.23–26. Dialogue makes a dozen scattered references to the Eucharist; Answer clusters a dozen references to the Eucharist in Tyndale's discussion of More's Bk. 4. In both works, the sacrament is a topic less frequently examined than Scripture.

Ye . . . wrote. Repeated at CWM 8/1.293/34–37.

because . . . mocked them. Cf. CWM 8/1.291/27—292/4.

baptim. Cf. Rom. 6.3–4.

sacramentes . . . significacions. For Tyndale's theology of sacrament as sign only, cf. Obedience M1— M2v, and More's critique : Supplication of Souls, 1529 (CWM 7.162/1–4), Confutation, 1532.—33 (CWM 8/1.302/15–17), Answer to a Poisoned Book, December 1533 (CWM 11.xxx—xxxi). Unio Dissidentium (1.S2) quotes Augustine's praise of Baptism and the Eucharist as intelligible signs in Christian Doctrine (AD c396–97) 3.9.13 (CCL 32.86; 1NPNF 2.560).

all . . . testament. Repeated at CWM 8/1.302/24–26.

false marchaundice. 2 Pet. 2.3.

Morouer . . . ypocrites. CWM 8/1.295/2–19.

Wherfore . . . ypocrites. Repeated at CWM 8/1.304/2— 13.

And therto . . . worlde. CWM 8/1.305/20–22. Tyndale agrees with Luther's position that Orders is not a sacrament in Contra Henricum Regem Angliae, 1522 (cf. CWM 8/1.220/10–12; WA 10/2.220–21; not in LW).

And agayne . . . nature. CWM 8/1.306/6–9.

They . . . them. Cf. CWM 8/1.260/2–6.

yet . . . downe. Cf. CWM 8/1.83/7–10.

For . . . damnacion. Cf. CWM 8/1.309/17.

¶ Whether the church can erre. Here Tyndale answers the church's claim of inerrancy on essential matters of belief as set forth in Dialogue, Bk. 1, Ch. 18–21 (CWM 6/1.101–21).

¶ Whether . . . halt. Cf. CWM 8/1.387/3–9. This is the first reference from Confutation, Part II, 1533. With regrettable fulness , More devotes three out of nine books of Confutation to attacking a third of Answer's introductory essay.

I said . . . sworne. Cf. CWM 8/1.391/9–18. Here Tyndale uses the narrow definition of "church," in which the specific mark of its members is living trust in God's merciful promises. Cf. [A6v, “And some times . . . oure lorde”; I5v, “And .j. Ihon .j. . . . written there also”; L8v, “And I beleue . . . fauoure of god”].

this faith . . . sworne. Paraphrased at CWM 8/1.400/ 30–32.

fundacion . . . household of god. For Answer the foundation is faith [B8v, “this faith is the fundacion”], cf. Eph. 2.19–20. Paul holds that the Christian community is "bilt apon the foundacion of the apostles and prophetes" (Wallis 403/17–18; TNT 283D). NT sidenote has "Foundacion is the worde of God."

And this . . . congregacion. CWM 8/1.403/19–28.

faith . . . congregacion. Cf. Matt. 16.18. In Answer Tyndale interprets "the rocke" as "faith." Unio Dissidentium gives two passages (both 2.D3v), where Augustine interprets the "rock" as Christ, not as Peter or the Bishop of Rome: Tractates on the Gospel of John (AD 406–7, 419–24), Tr. 124, Par. 5 (CCL 36.684–85; 1NPNF 7.450); and Sermon 76 on Matt. 14.24–33 (AD 410–12), Par. 2 (PL 38.479–80; Rotelle 3/3.312). Erasmus refers to Augustine 's sermon in his annotation on Matt. 16.18, Quia tu es.) 1516 NT (Reeve 1.70–71). More echoes Augustine in Confutation, where "the rokke [is] our sauyour Cryste hym selfe" (CWM 8/1.226/34). Matt. 16.18 is one of the most frequently quoted proof-texts of More, cf. Marc'hadour, Bible 4.117. He uses it to argue , not papal infallibility, but the church's infallibility in tradition and consensus (CWM 8/3.1549).

whom they toke him for. Cf. Matt. 16.15, Mark 8.29, Luke 9.20.

thou . . . god. Matt. 16.16.

that art . . . worlde. John 11.27.

he that . . . Abraham. Cf. Gen. 17.7, Gen. 22.18.

Christ axed . . . bloude. Cf. CWM 8/1.330/16–22. More repeats this same passage at CWM 8/1.405/2–8.

That offeringe . . . moare. Cf. CWM 8/1.409/30–32.

And agenst . . . saffe. Repeated at CWM 8/1.411/15–17.

And Christ . . . church. Cf. CWM 8/1.410/35–411/9.

that . . . church. Repeated at CWM 8/1.414/22–28.

who soever . . . church. Cf. CWM 8/1.417/4–6. Here and in the Prologue to Hebrews (Wallis 502/4–6;TNT 347), Tyndale accuses Roman Catholics of an unspecified heresy, namely Pelagianism. Pelagius (c354—c419) taught that Adam's sin affected only himself, that all humans are born in a state of grace and that Christ functions only as model. Later, Semi-Pelagianism taught that humans could make an initial act of faith without the help of grace. Both heresies were opposed by numerous writings of Augustine . Pelagianism was condemned by the ecumenical Council of Ephesus in 431; Semi-Pelagianism, by the provincial Council of Orange II in 529 (NCE 11.58–60; OER 3.238–41).

the church is christes body. Cf. Col. 1.18.

every . . . christ. Eph. 5.29–30.

Now ... in it. Cf. Rom. 8.9.

And the church . . . church. Cf. CWM 8/1.418/2–6.

¶ How . . . synner. Cf. CWM 8/1.419/17–18.

Furthermoare . . . erroures. Cf. CWM 8/1.421/2–3.

Now . . . God. 1 John 3.9.

For ... synne. Cf. CWM 8/1.421/12–18. Confutation quotes Answer's older verb form "kepith" [C1] at CWM 8/1.420/3 but gives the newer form "kepys" at CWM 8/1.421/ 15.

And therfore . . . synne. Cf. CWM 8/1.459/27–29.

if ... in vs. 1 John 1.8.

iff. . . in vs. 1 John 1.10.

And yet ... in me. Cf. CWM 8/1.444/19–25.

that good ... in me. Rom. 7.19–20.

Thus are we synners and no synners. Tyndale works with Luther's thesis that the believer is simul iustus et peccator. But Tyndale gives a broader basis for the righteousness opposed to sin, grounding it in the promise laid hold of in trust, like Luther, but also in assent to the law as good and regret over not observing it [C1v, “No synners . . . to oure fayth”]. On Luther's doctrine of the simul a basic study is Rudolph Hermann, Luthers These "Gerecht und Sünder zugleich" (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1930). Also, Wicks,"Living and Praying as simul iustus et peccator: a Chapter in Luther's Spiritual Teaching," Gregorianum 70 (1989) 521–48, rpt. in Luther's Reform. For Luther, as for Tyndale, the condition of the one who is simul iustus et peccator is not static, for the Holy Spirit is actively opposing the flesh's endemic sinful seeking.

No . . . out. Cf. CWM 8/1.446/24–30.

when . . . out. Paraphrased at CWM 8/1.455/11–13.

yocke of God. Cf. Matt. 11.29–30.

nether . . . synne. Cf. Rom. 6.13.

when . . . out. Paraphrased at CWM 8/1.455/11–13.

Furthermoare . . . batayle. Cf. CWM 8/1.419/31— 420/27. After quoting a page and a half of Answer, Confutation subdivides this long quotation and deals with it in smaller portions over the next forty-some pages. Cf. [commentary notes for C1-C1v, this edition].

Thus . . . batayle. Cf. CWM 8/1.445/33–446/8.

we . . . batayle. Cf. CWM 8/1. 448/6–8.

How . . . erre. CWM 8/1.461/5–6.

And as . . . maliciously. CWM 8/1.461/8–18. Confutation refers to part of Answer's contrast between sins of malice and sins of weakness [C2, “For they never . . . infirmitie”] at CWM 8/1.217/23–25, cf. 1 John B4v.

Christes brethern. Cf. Matt. 12.46–47, Mark 3.31–32, Luke 8.19–20. Jerome defended the perpetual virginity of Mary in Against Helvidius (AD c383) by explaining that in Hebrew culture "brethren" meant, not only siblings, but kindred (Par. 15 in PL 23.198–99; Par. 17 in 2NPNF 6.342–43) and by referring to the writings of Ignatius, Polycarp, Irenaeus, and Justin Martyr (Par. 17 in PL 23.201; Par. 19 in 2NPNF 6.343). Cf. [H3, “perpetuall . . . faith” and commentary note; N7v, “christ . . . chastite” and commentary note].

if some . . . bloude. Repeated at CWM 8/1.472/28–36.

some . . . gospel. This passage begins in paraphrase, "some . . . bloude" ([C2]; CWM 8/1.406/11–16), and ends in nearly verbatim quotation, "For . . . gospel" ([C2]; CWM 8/1.406 /16–20).

in other . . . resiste. Cf. CWM 8/1.467/28–468/8.

But . . . scripture. CWM 8/1.481/20.

or soch . . . scripture. Cf. CWM 8/1.481/28–29.

and saluacion ... or noo. Cf. CWM 8/1.481/36–37.

the vnite of faith. Cf. Eph. 4.13.

and for . . . brethern. Cf. CWM 8/1.482/7–14.

Now . . . workes. CWM 8/1.484/20–21.

and they . . . faith. Cf. CWM 8/1.484/26–29.

Faith. Dialogue, Bk. 1 argues for the inerrancy of the church: Ch. 18 on Matt. 23.2–3 as a foundational text; Ch. 20, against false interpretations of Scripture by the church; Ch. 21, for true interpretations ; Ch. 24, on the Apostles' Creed; Ch. 25, on the Ten Commandments; Ch. 25–26, on condemnations of heresies (CWM 6/1.101–62 passim).

Faith . . . deed. Cf. CWM 8/1.486/1–18.

As . . . forgeuen. CWM 8/1.489/30–490/28.

The old . . . forgeuen. The conclusion of the previous passage is paraphrased in CWM 8/1.496/15–19. Compare Tyndale 's truant schoolboy with the prodigal son of Luke 15.11–24.

election. In Dialogue Bk. 2, Ch. 3–4, the Messenger defends an invisible church composed of those predestined to heaven (CWM 6/1.195–206). In Bk. 4, Ch. 10–12 (CWM 6/1.376–405), More as Mentor attacks Lutheran teaching on predestination, which he believes will lead to moral chaos.

Even . . . electe. CWM 8/1.498/4.

God . . . god. Cf. John 15.16.

sendeth . . . vn to them. Cf. CWM 8/1.500/6–7.

maketh . . . doo. Cf. CWM 8/1.500/22–24.

¶ The maner . . . liuynge. CWM 8/1.497/11–25.

And then . . . liuynge. Cf. CWM 8/1.502/13–19. The first sentence [C4, “And then . . . walke in them”] is repeated almost verbatim at CWM 8/1.511/30–31, and the next three sentences [C4, “For when . . . a mans liuynge”] at CWM 8/1.512/14–18.

For when . . . liuynge. Basic to Tyndale's view of human action is the priority of wit over will. This tenet accords with the high esteem of many humanists and reformers for the inculcation of true doctrine as the essential step in reform. More, on the other hand (cf. [R3v, “Whereof ye se . . . R4, . . . our holy fathers sophistrie”], ascribes power to the will to compel belief.

How be it . . . teth. CWM 8/1.515/22–23.

ryghtewesnes . . . god. Cf. Rom. 10.3.

And there . . . Christe. CWM 8/1.516/30–31.

And there . . . wittes. Cf. CWM 8/1.517/32–39.

And though . . . resistaunce. CWM 8/1.519/5–12.

God . . . only. Cf. Ps. 30.7.

God . . . theirs. CWM 8/1.523/10–13.

liued . . . vaine. Cf. Ps. 73.13.

For . . . enemie. Ps. 73.3. This psalm is attributed to Asaph, not David. References to David's conflict with Saul occur in the headings of Pss. 18, 52, 54, 57, 59.

Dauids . . . Saull. Cf. 1 Sam. 18–31.

Was . . . Abegall. Cf. 1 Sam. 25.10–35. Because all forms of "churlish" in the OED contain a final "h," O'Donnell has emended "churlysse" [C5] and noted the variant in the critical apparatus.

How . . . Vriah. CWM 8/1.533/38–39.

adulterye . . . mekely. Cf. 2 Sam. 11–12. David exemplifies the sins of the elect who nevertheless do not "malycyously cast of the yocke of gods commaundementes" [C5].

Now ... a slepe. CWM 8/1.534/18–21.

There . . . meate. CWM 8/1.538/36–539/2.

God . . . eateth. Cf. CWM 8/1.529/25–530/15 and [commentary notes on C5].

apostles . . . amased. Cf. Matt. 26.56, Mark 14.50.

all the wordes . . . deeth. Cf. Matt. 16.21, Mark 8.31, Luke 9.22.

Morouer . . . thoughtes. Cf. Luke 18.34.

miracles . . . doo. For Jairus' daughter, cf. Matt. 9.18–19, 23–26, Mark 5.21–24, 35–43, Luke 8.40–42, 49–56; for the son of the widow of Nain, cf. Luke 7.12–15; for Lazarus, cf. John 11.11.–44.

women . . . rysen. Cf. Matt. 28.8, Mark 16.10–11, Luke 24.8–11.

And in lyke maner . . . faythes. Cf. CWM 8/1.541/ 32–542/24.

ye ... faythes. Cf. Luke 24.36–43. Disconsolate and doubting after the crucifixion, the apostles exemplify error but "none of them . . . was fallen in hys hert from chryste" [C5v].

How . . . chryste. CWM 8/1.545/30–31.

Peter . . . hym. Cf. John 20.3–9.

But . . . miracle. Cf. John 20.1–2.

Ioseph of Arimathea. Cf. Matt. 27.57–60, Mark 15.43, Luke 23.50–53, John 19.38. Nicodemus. Cf. John 19.39.

And the wemen . . . annoyntmentes. Cf. Mark 16.1–2, Luke 24.1. Answer has "annoyntmentes," while NT has "odures," i.e., "odours" (Wallis 12o/22;TNT 86A).

And the hertes . . . hym. Cf. Luke 24.32.

And thomas . . . god. John 20.24–29.

There . . . tyme. Cf. CWM 8/1.548/19–25.

peter ... bytterly. Cf. Matt. 26.75, Mark 14.72, Luke 22.61–62.

Yee . . . tyme. Cf. CWM 8/1.551/12–14.

reserued in our ladye. Cf. CWM 6/1.108/1–21. The Sicilian canonist Panormitanus (1386–1445) had claimed that, in certain situations, a simple believer rather than the pope or bishops might possess the authentic message of Christ, as Luther adduced in his Resolutiones of the theses of the Leipzig Disputation, 1519 (WA 2.404/26–31; not in LW) and in responding to Exsurge Domine in Defense and Explanation of All the Articles, December 1520 (WA 7.430/9–12; LW 32.81). Luther believed that, amid widespread error, he himself preserved the true faith, Resolutiones of the Leipzig theses (ibid.) and a later lecture on Genesis (WA 42.334/30; LW 2.102). Panormitanus also held that Mary had preserved the faith of the church when Peter fell. Cf. Commentaria in libros decretalium (Lyons, 1524) 1, de electione, 122r, cited by Gogan 345n156. More's interpretation, that the one candle still shining at the end of Tenebrae is a symbol of Mary, may have come from The Life of Christ by the 14c Carthusian Ludolf of Saxony, cited by James Monti, The King's Good Servant but God's First (San Francisco: Ignatius, 1997) 225 and n209. Probably because written against More, Answer discusses the role of Mary more than any other of Tyndale's works. Cf. [H3, “And how . . . oure faith”; K5, “And when he saith…” and following; P3, “blasphemie . . . and not she” and following; R1v, “And if there were no imperfectenesse” and following]. Tyndale also alludes to her Conception free from original sin and Assumption into heaven (Obedience C3, S2); he accuses Mary of minor personal sins (Obedience S4v); he grieves that ignorant Christians rely on Marian devotions, such as the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Obedience I8v, 1 John A5) and the fast between 8 December and 2 February (Mammon F1v). Thanks to Stephen J. Mayer for the following interpretation: when Tyndale writes that Jesus emerged from Mary's armpit (Matthew p1v), he may be mocking the legend which claimed that Jesus passed through Mary's side. John of Damascus (c645-c750) (NCE 7.1047–49) rejects this idea in Exposition of the Orthodox Faith 4.14 (PG 94.1161–62; 2NPNF 9.86); cited by E.P. Nugent CMF, "The Closed Womb of the Blessed Mother of God," Ephemerides Mariologicae 8 (1958) 266 and n109.

Simon ... brethern. Cf. Luke 22.31–32. Answer has "come vn to thy selfe" [C6v], while NT has "converted" (Wallis 179/15;TNT 127C).

mad colens. Foxe (5.251) relates how Collins, crazed by his wife's infidelity, held up a dog when the priest elevated the host at Mass. Although non compos mentis, Collins was burnt as a heretic at Smithfield in 1538, cf. PS 3.39. Since "dog" is "God" spelled backwards, his action might indicate a disbelief in Christ's Real Presence in the Eucharist.

so that . . . expositoures. Cf. CWM 8/1.554/8–22.

Christes church. In Dialogue Bk. 2, Ch. 1–2, 5, More as Mentor defends the known Catholic Church as the visible church composed of saints and sinners (CWM 6/1.187–95, 206–7).

¶ Whether ... or no. CWM 8/2.576/21. Tyndale's rejection of the medieval church as the true church of Christ is addressed in Confutation, Bk. 5, 6, 7 (cf. CWM 8/1.134/13–14).

That . . . proued. Cf. CWM 8/2.577/33–34. Repeated at CWM 8/2.579/19–20.

That . . . bloud. CWM 8/2.579/19–33.

consenteth. Tyndale regularly features active consent to the law of God in his accounts of repentance and justification, thus diverging in one aspect from Luther's account of justification, where the will's passivity under grace is central, while the law functions prior to justification by heightening guilt.

forboden lawfull wedlocke. The imposition of mandatory celibacy angers Tyndale because Scripture assumes the clergy will be married. In Obedience (I7, K1), Tyndale twice quotes 1 Tim. 3.2 on the wives of bishops. For Tyndale, fines for concubinage are a license to keep whores ([D6v, “licence . . . whore”; N2, “licence . . . hores”; O2, “geuenge . . . whores”]; Obedience K1, 1 John E6). In Tyndale's view, the Church of Rome prefers whores and sodomites to an honest wife (Matthew 03). Tyndale's extended case against compulsory celibacy occurs at [M6, “In the .xiij. he rageth . . . N7v . . . pacience of other displeasures”]. From the time of Gregory I (pope, 590–604) until the early 10c, most diocesan clergy were married men. Nicholas II (pope, 1058–61), along with the Lateran synod of 1059, forbad priests with a wife or concubine to say Mass and deprived them of their benefice. Gregory VII (pope, 1073–85) rigorously enforced these decrees on clerical celibacy (NCE 3.369–74). Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, was able to modify Gregory's policy by letting married clergy keep their wives and ordaining celibate priests henceforward. Cf. Charles A. Frazee, "The Origins of Clerical Celibacy in the Western Church," Church History 41 (1972) 149–67, esp. 166. Lateran II (1139) declared that major orders were an impediment to valid marriage, canons 6–7 in Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, ed. J. Alberigo et al., 3d ed. (Bologna: Istituto per le scienze religiose , 1973) 198. Nevertheless, from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation, the diocesan clergy, from bishop to parish priest, and even heads of monasteries frequently entered into de facto marriages and by papal dispensation passed their benefices onto their sons. (JW) The Diocese of Constance had a schedule of fines to be paid to the diocesan administration by priests living in concubinage or otherwise guilty of sexual misconduct. Also a set payment had to be made for each child fathered by a priest living in concubinage. Cf. O.Vasella, Reform und Reformation in der Schweiz (Münster: Aschendorff , 1958) 26–36. Zwingli attacked this practice in Eine freundliche Bitte und Ermahnung of July 1522, cf. Sämtliche Werke 1.225. The fines were fees paid for suspension of the canonical punishments , such as the loss of one's benefice, by the concubinate clergy . The payment for a child was for the lifting of the impediment of illegitimacy and in some cases for securing an inheritance for children of such unions. The Council of Basel had condemned these practices in 1435, as had Lateran V in 1514 (Concilium Oecumenicorum Decreta 487, 623).

doucheland. In 15c and early 16c Germany, failures against celibacy seem high although records are incomplete for Hurenzins (whore tax) and Wigenzins (cradle tax). Cf. Joel F. Harrington, Reordering marriage and society in Reformation Germany (Cambridge UP, 1995) 34 and n28.

wales. Illegal clerical unions and their offspring were satirized by poets and censured, among others, by Gerald of Wales (c1146-c1220) and two Archbishops of Canterbury: John Pecham in 1284 and William Warham in 1504. Cf. Glanmor Williams 339–46, 401–2.

yerland. In Pre-Norman Ireland (before 1171–72), monasteries were frequently headed by lay abbots, who were usually married . Cf. Friedrich Kempf in Jedin and Dolan 3.223. Clerical marriage continued in Gaelic Ireland throughout the late medieval period. Bishops and abbots obtained papal dispensations for their sons to succeed them. Cf. Colm Lennon, Sixteenth-Century Ireland: The Incomplete Conquest (New York: St. Martin's, 1995) 126. Higher standards obtained among the friars, especially the Observant Franciscans, cf. Lennon 119. See Aubrey Gwynn and R. Neville Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses: Ireland (Blackrock, Co. Dublin: Irish Academic, 1970) and, more recently, Steven G. Ellis, Ch. 8,"The Late Medieval Church and the Origins of Tudor Reform," Ireland in the Age of the Tudors 1447–1603: English Expansion and the End of Gaelic Rule (New York: Longman, 1998) 190–217.

Scotland. Sir David Lyndesay (c1486–1555) satirized the immorality of the diocesan clergy in his verse drama on The Thrie Estatis (1540). As a separate kingdom, Scotland implemented the Reformation at a later period than England. In 1560 the Scottish Parliament abrogated papal authority in Scodand and forbad the Latin Mass, but not until 1573 were the clergy required by statute to join the Reformation or be deprived of their benefices. (Mary Stuart returned to Scotland from France in 1561 and abdicated in 1567.) Cf. Gordon Donaldson, "The Parish Clergy and the Reformation, "Scottish Church History (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic, 1985) 73, 88. See Ian B. Cowan and David E. Easson, Medieval Religious Houses: Scotland, 2d ed. (London: Longman, 1976); Gordon Donaldson, The Scottish Reformation (Cambridge UP, 1960).

Fraunce. Repeated invasions during the Hundred Years War (1337–1453) undermined the physical fabric and the spiritual life of the church in France. Cf. A. Latreille et al., Histoire du Catholicisme en France; Vol. 2, Sous les rois très chrétiens (Paris: Editions Spes, 1960) 71. In spite of efforts at reform, concubinage among the diocesan clergy continued into the 17c (OER 1.397–99).

Spayne. Because too many people were affected, in 1251 Innocent IV (pope, 1243–54) revoked sentences of excommunication placed by a papal legate on clerics in major orders and their mistresses, but the fines he imposed instead had little effect. Living in a pluralistic society until 1492, some clergy formed sexual relationships with Jewish or Muslim women. In 1321–22, a council in Castile decreed that such priests were to be imprisoned for two years by the bishop. Cf. J.N. Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms, 1250–1516; Vol. I, 1250–1410, "Precarious Balance" (Oxford: Clarendon, 1976) 111–12. Fernando (king, 1474–1516) and Isabel (queen, 1474–1504) tried to reform the diocesan clergy by nominating exemplary bishops, but their efforts did not bear much fruit until the Counter-Reformation. Cf. Vol. II, 1410–1516, "Castilian Hegemony" (Oxford: Clarendon, 1978) 405–10. Rejecting the reforms of the Observant Franciscan Cardinal Ximenes, a thousand Conventual Franciscans converted to Islam, married their Muslim concubines and resettled in North Africa. Cf. Karl J. von Hefele, The Life and Times of Cardinal Ximenez, 2d ed. (London, 1885) 215–17 cited by Monti 111–12 and n51.

Englond. After examining visitation records in Winchester, Kent, Suffolk, Norwich, and Lincoln, Peter Marshall (144–51) concluded that fewer than five percent of these clerics were suspected of breaking their promise of celibacy. The situation was probably worse in London on account of the larger numbers of unbeneficed clergy taking advantage of the anonymity of the city. Tyndale claims that, because of the preaching of Wyclif against unchastity, priests prefer liaisons with married women to open concubinage. Thus, English bishops collect fewer fines than on the Continent. But some of the English hierarchy were themselves offenders: Bishop James Stanley of Ely with three illegitimate children, Cardinal Wolsey with two, and perhaps Archbishop Warham with a son. For Stanley, cf. Haigh 10. For Wolsey, cf. Jasper Ridley, Statesman and Saint: Cardinal Wolsey, Sir Thomas More, and the Politics of Henry VIII (New York: Viking, 1982) 171–72. For Warham, cf. MacCulloch, Cranmer 108. The reinstitution of clerical marriage did not proceed smoothly in the English Reformation. Although Henry VIII expelled monks, friars, and nuns from their properties in 1536 and 1539, he expected them to keep their vows of celibacy, as is indicated in the Six Articles of 1539, 31 Henry VIII, Ch. 14 (Statutes 3.739). Men could join the ranks of the diocesan clergy; women could return to their families or live together in non-canonical communities. Most men and women religious received government pensions. In 1549 and 1551–52 priests were permitted to marry, 2 & 3 Edward VI, Ch. 21; 5 & 6 Edward, Ch. 12 (Statutes 4/1.67,146–47). However, in 1553 priests were required to dismiss their wives or lose their benefices, 1 Mary, St. 2, Ch. 2 (Statutes 4/1.202). In 1559 priests were again allowed to marry by Injunction 29 issued by Elizabeth I in her capacity as Supreme Governor of the Church of England, cf. Bray 342–43. Marriage of the clergy was confirmed in 1604, 1 James, Ch. 25 (Statutes 4/2.1052).

wicleffe. John Wyclif (c1330–84) taught that rulers in mortal sin, especially the clergy, forfeited the right to the obedience of their subjects. He also claimed that bread and wine remained after the consecration and that Christ is present only figuratively. After his death, his teachings were condemned by the Council of Constance (1414–18) in 1417; his books were burnt and his body exhumed from consecrated ground in 1428. See Anthony Kenny, Wyclif, Past Masters Series (Oxford UP, 1985). Followers ofWyclif were originally called "Lollards" (OED 1.) or "mumblers" for their supposed piety. Like "Quaker," the name "Lollard" no longer expresses contempt but merely denotes a religious group. In De Libero Arbitrio (1524) Erasmus recites a litany of patristic and medieval theologians who uphold free will as opposed to Manichaeus and Wyclif, who deny it. Later, Erasmus disapprovingly quotes Luther's Assertio, Art. 36, which embraces the position of Wyclif, '"For no one has it in his own power to think a good or bad thought, but everything (as Wyclif's article condemned at Constance rightly teaches) happens by absolute necessity.'" From Erasmus, On the Freedom of the Will, citing Assertio omnium articulorum, 1520 (WA 7.146/6–8; not in LW) in Luther and Erasmus: Free Will and Salvation, ed. E. Gordon Rupp and Philip S. Watson, LCC 17 (Philadephia: Westminster, 1969) 13, 13n1, 64. Cf. [O4, “no frewyll . . . the werke man” and commentary note]. Tyndale denies that Wyclif caused insurrection (1 John H7); in fact, the Peasants' Revolt in 1381 arose from economic, not theological , reasons. In the Prologue to Jonas, Tyndale asserts that the rejection ofWyclif's call to repentance resulted in the assassination of Richard II, the usurpation of the crown by Henry IV, Henry V, and Henry VI, the invasion of France, and the civil wars in England (TOT 634–35). (The Book of Jonas in TOT lacks page divisions into ABC etc.) For pastoral care from evil clergy, cf. [M4v, “the prayars . . . profite not” and commentary note]; for Wyclif's supposed influence in Bohemia, cf. [N8, “Wicleffe . . . liues” and commentary note]; for the kings, cf. [N8, “slew the true kynge . . . false”]; for a brief history of the Bible in English, cf. [N8, “scripture . . . in englysh” and commentary note]; for the order of justification, cf. [Q1, “the lawe” and commentary note]. Donald Dean Smeeton examines similarities between Tyndale and Lollards on the necessity of a vernacular Bible, the rejection of transubstantiation, and the reform of a corrupt clergy by the king in Lollard Themes in the Reformation Theology of William Tyndale, Sixteenth Century Essays & Studies 6 (Kirksville, MO: Sixteenth Century Journal, 1986).

A nother . . . secret. Cf. CWM 8/1.584/12–29.

Ther to . . . papa. CWM 8/1.587/23–32. The second half of this passage [C7v, “And besydes that . . . Si papa”] is repeated at CWM 8/1.590/8–12. A sign of the absence of faith within the papal hierarchy is its suppression of those who would admonish its faults. In the medieval canonical tradition, a lively discussion centered on the problem in Gratian, Decretum, Part 1, Dist. 40, Ch. 6 (CIC 1.146). For Gratian, cf. [M6, “the lawes of the church” and commentary note]. The text stated that the pope was subject to no one's judgment, but it went on to make an exception, nisi deprehendatur a fide deuius, "unless he is found to have deviated from the faith." The commentators expanded considerably the meaning of "deviated from the faith" and thereby listed numerous cases of papal malfeasance that would be subject to judgment. Many came to designate a general council, representing the whole church, as the proper forum of such correction, even to the measure of deposing a recalcitrant pope. Cf. Brian Tierney, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory (Cambridge UP, 1955) 56–67.

And Paul . . . of his. CWM 8/1.594/3–5; Rom. 13.1,4. Luther had attacked the claim of clerical immunity from prosecution for crime in his first broadside against "the three walls of the Romanists." He also declared perverse the canon forbidding the temporal power to punish "the spiritual estate" and appealed to Rom. 13.1 and 4, along with 1 Pet. 2.13–14, to justify the intervention of rulers to reform clerical abuses. Cf. To the Christian Nobility, 1520 (WA 6.407/9–411/7; LW 44.127–33).

if he . . . companie. Cf. 1 Cor. 5.11. Answer has the AngloSaxon "horekeper"; NT has the Latinate "fornicator" (Wallis 352/23;TNT 248C).

And Paul . . . doctrine. CWM 8/1.595/35–596/8.

to receaue the sacramentes of them . . . doctrine. During the persecution by Diocletian (AD 303–5), several bishops in North Africa pretended to comply with the imperial decrees by handing over heretical books instead of the Scriptures to be burned. The ordinations performed by these bishops were contested , especially by Donatus, schismatic Bishop of Carthage (AD 313–47). Believing that they alone were the true church, the Donatists also required rebaptism of those who had received the rite from one outside their sect (NCE 4.1001–1003).

¶ The argumentes . . . solued. Cf. CWM 8/1.599/5–6.

Notwithstondinge . . . this. Cf. CWM 8/1.599/30–36.

lutherans. For heretics, cf. [D2, “they that departe . . . are the true church”; R4, “burne these heretikes burn them”]. Whereas for More, Roman Catholics belong to the true church and Lutherans are heretics, for Tyndale, Catholics belong to a fleshly church but Lutherans to a spiritual one [I1v, “a lutheran . . . and soch like”]. To illustrate his point, Tyndale scoffs that Catholic priests take whores, but Lutheran ministers marry wives ([N2, “Then he wold . . . whores”], Matthew 03).

Moses . . . phareses. Cf. Exod. 4.29–31, Matt. 23.2.

One . . . thynge. Cf. CWM 8/1.601/17–31.

But . . . passe. CWM 8/1.608/2–4; 1 Cor. 4.20.

them. Confutation (CWM 8/2.609/12) and 1573 correct 1531's erroneous "then."

glorious church. Cf. Eph. 5.27.

Iosuah. For appointment as Moses' successor, cf. Num. 27.18–23; for exploring Canaan, cf. Num. 14.8; for surviving the Exodus, cf. Num. 15.38; for crossing the Jordan, cf. Josh. 3. Eleazar. For the son and successor of Aaron, cf. Num. 20.25–29. Phineas. For the son of Eleazar and grandson of Aaron, cf. Num. 25.6–15. Caleb. For exploring Canaan, cf. Num. 13.30–31; for surviving the Exodus, cf. Num. 14.24.

But . . . immediatly. Cf. Judg. 2.10–13.

And god . . . agayne. Cf. Jer. 25.1–13.

scribes . . . Moses. Cf. Matt. 23.2.

make marchaundice. Cf. 2 Pet. 2–3;"abvse it vn to their awne glorie & profitt" [C8v] is a doublet for the preceding phrase.

leuen of the phareses. Matt. 16.6.

41 /16–17 taken . . . knowlege. Cf. Luke 11.52.

shutt . . . wolde. Cf. Matt. 23.13.

lucre. Cf. 1 Pet. 5.2.

make . . . wordes. Cf. 2 Pet. 2.3.

And oure ypocrites . . . trouth. Cf. CWM 8/2.613/35–614/6.

And in like maner ... aftirwarde. Cf. CWM 8/2.630/35–631/3.

thy fall. Confutation glosses Answer's "fall" as "fatte" (CWM 8/2.634/26) as in the "fatted caulfe" of Luke 15.23 (Wallis 164/28; TNT 117E). 1573 emends "thy fall" to "that fall," thus transforming the noun into a verb; PS 3.44 follows 1573. Cf. Glossary.

and with false gloses . . . behynde the. Cf. CWM 8/2.634/21–26. The Glossa ordinaria was an integral component of most Bibles produced in medieval scriptoria and by pre-Reformation printing presses. The biblical text occupied the center of the page, while the ample margins contained explanatory passages or "glosses" taken from patristic and early medieval commentators. The most common set of the glosses to the whole Bible stems from the circle around Anselm of Laon (d. 1117), cf. Smalley 46–66. Other attacks on glosses occur at [L4v, “they hide . . . false gloses”; L6, “they seke a thousand gloses”].

Abraham is our father. Matt. 3.9, John 8.39.

we be Moses disciples. John 9.28.

how . . . lerned. John 7.15, Acts 4.13.

only ... in him. John 7.49.

And soch ... in him. Cf. CWM 8/2.641/28–33.

Loke ... in him. John 7.48.

Wherfore . . . church. Cf. CWM 8/2.644/27–30.

ypocrites. Cf. Matt. 23.13, 14, 15, 23, 25, 27, 29.

blynd gydes. Matt. 23.16, 24; paynted sepulchres. Matt. 23.27.

generacion of vipers. Matt. 3.7.

he shall . . . god. Luke 1.16.

And he . . . childerne. Cf. Luke 1.17.

a spirituall hert. Cf. Ezek. 18.31.

fathers . . . Iacob. Cf. Exod. 3.15–16.

And he . . . people. Cf. Luke 1.17. Answer has "the disobedient vn to the obedience of the rightteouse"; NT has "the vnbelevers to the wysdom of the iuste men" (Wallis 124/1–2; TNT 88B); KJV combines elements of both translations: "the disobedient to the wisedome of the iust..."

sett vpp . . . awne. Cf. Rom. 10.3.

rightewysnesse of faith. Cf. Rom. 3.22 and 10.6.

we departe . . . rebuke them. Cf. CWM 8/2.651/ 28–29.

rebuke them in like maner. CWM 8/2.652/26.

And as . . . church. CWM 8/2.654/9–11, 660/23–25.

they that departe . . . church. Cf. CWM 8/2.667/5–7, 817/8–11, repeated almost verbatim at 667/23–25 and 668/3–5. Augustine addresses the issue of the unity of the church in the third of his ten Homilies on the First Epistle of John (AD 406–7), quoted in Unio Dissidentium (2.Q6v). More would agree with the first part of the passage, "Certainly all who go out from the Church, and are cut off from the unity of the Church, are antichrists Par. 7 (PL 35.2000–2001; 1NPNF 7.478). Tyndale might counter with the second part, "[W]hosoever in his deeds denies Christ, is an antichrist," Par. 8 (PL 35.2002; 1NPNF 7.479).

Though . . . god. Cf. CWM 8/2.648/5–39. With minor variations Confutation repeats parts of this long passage; cf. [commentary notes on D2, “we departe . . . church].

And aftir . . . god. The commentary on CWM 8/1.143 /15–17 quotes this passage verbatim (CWM 8/3.1512) and refers to 1 John (A7r—v) for further accusations that the medieval church corrupted the Scripture with heresies.

which . . . god. Cf. CWM 8/2.663/5–7.

Another . . . yeres. Cf. CWM 8/2.675/12–26.

This . . . yeres. Repeated in slightly abbreviated form at CWM 8/2.679/5–8.

Iewes. The Jews are an important topic to Tyndale as a translator of the Pentateuch through 2 Chronicles from the Hebrew Bible (Mozley 173–86; Daniell 283–315, 333–57). In Prelates Tyndale assigns guilt for Christ's death to the leaders of the Jews (A2r—v), but in Obedience he rejects the legitimacy of killing religious opponents, whether Jews, Turks, or heretics (C7v). His chief objection to the Jews is that they, like Turks and papists, supposedly believe in justification by works. Tyndale repeats this charge numerous times in Answer and once in Matthew (o6). Jews openly profess their faith although they are outnumbered by Christians in contemporary Europe (Matthew 02). For the expulsion of the Jews from England, cf. [F2v, “how Englonde was once full” and commentary note]. Tyndale and Erasmus both oppose the Jews for "works-righteousness ";Tyndale focuses on their lack of faith in Christ and Erasmus on their supposed trust in religious ceremonies. In the pivotal Fifth Rule of the Enchiridion (1503), Erasmus warns Christians "that we do not attempt to win God's favour like the Jews through certain observances as if they were magic rites . . ." (Holborn 80/3–5; CWE 66.76). In the Afterword to Markish (152), Cohen summarizes Erasmus' position on the Jews: "His is always an anti-Semitism of letters and literatures, of sources and origins, of languages and texts, and never an anti-Semitism of policy." Although More was proud of his prosecution of heretics, Marius (8) notes that "we find no hostile remark or metaphor about contemporary Jews in all the works of Thomas More." Confident that the Jews would be converted to a reformed Christianity , Luther first showed a positive attitude toward them in That Jesus Christ was born a Jew, 1523 (WA 11.314–36; LW 45.199–229). After the Jews themselves began to proselytize, his attitude began to change as seen in Against the Sabbatarians, 1538 (WA 50.312–37; LW 47.65–98). The comparatively moderate tract Von den letzten Worten Davids, 1543 (WA 54.28–100; not in LW), was followed by the harsh On the Jews and their Lies, 1543 (WA 53.417–552; LW 47.137–306) and Vom Schem Hamphoras, 1543 (WA 53.579–648; not in LW). On 15 February 1547, three days before his death, Luther added an admonition, "Eine vermanung wider die Juden," to his last sermon (WA 51.195–96; not in LW). Cf. Oberman, Luther 35on73,292–97.

And this . . . obstinacie. CWM 8/2.681/4–5.

their auctorite is greater then the scripture. In 1525 Johann Eck (1486–1543) compiled a handbook against Lutheran teachings which went through more than a hundred editions (OER 2.17–19). In Ch. 1 of his Enchiridion, "On the Church and Her Authority," Eck states the priority of the church over Scripture and argues that consequently the church authenticates Scripture (Fraenkel 27; Battles 12–13). Thus, one taking up the arms of biblical argument against ecclesiastical institutions gets entangled in an implicit acknowledgment of the church as the guarantor of the books he wants to cite.

And when . . . scripture. CWM 8/2.685/31–37.

Notwithstondinge . . . spirite. Cf. CWM 8/2.690/ 23–24.

Ihon . . . thynge. Cf. Matt. 17.11 and 13, quoting Mal. 4.5–6.

phareses . . . leuen. Cf. Matt. 16.6 and II, Mark 8.15, Luke 12.1.

He . . . smoth. Cf. Luke 3.5, quoting Isa. 40.4.

weked gloses. For John the Baptist's mission to remove false glosses from Scripture, cf. Mammon G2v—G3.

honoure . . . mother. Exod. 20.12, Deut. 5.16.

God . . . they. Cf. Matt. 15.3–6, Mark 7.9–13.

As . . . saintes. Cf. CWM 8/2.697/36–37.

toke . . . knowlege. Cf. Luke 11.52.

stopped ... in. Cf. Matt. 23.13.

And therfore . . . good. Cf. CWM 8/2.691/9–692/28. With minor variations Confutation repeats parts of this long passage below [D3, “As oures . . . liuynge saintes”; D3v, “Now make . . . reason be good.”].

Now . . . good. Cf. CWM 8/2.705/23–26.

lucre. Cf. 1 Pet. 5.2.

had they coude. Confutation (CWM 8/2.706/24) keeps 1531's form, but 1573 emends it to "if they coulde." Cf."can he" [N2], meaning "if he can."

leuen. Cf. Matt. 16.6 and 11, Mark 8.15, Luke 12.1.

legend . . . sayntes. Tyndale probably refers to the Golden Legend by Jacobus de Voragine OP (c1230–98), who compiled his commentaries on the feasts of Christ and the saints c1260. Second in popularity only to the Bible, it was widely translated. William Caxton made and published an English version in 1483 (GL 1.xiii–iv).

false bokes. In his edition of Jerome (1516), Erasmus names many false attributions among Greek and Latin classics, books of the Bible, and Christian authors, e.g.: The Battle of the Frogs and Mice by Pseudo-Homer, Rhetorica ad Herennium by Pseudo-Cicero , the supposed correspondence between Paul and Seneca, Ezra 3 and 4, the Apocalypse of John, and the Hierarchies of Pseudo -Dionysius (not in LB; CWE 61.71–73).

S. Hierome. Jerome (c345—c420) is the greatest Scripture scholar among the Western Fathers (NCE 7.872–74; OER 1.163–67). He corrected the Old Latin version of the NT according to the Greek (AD 382–85), but he did not make a new translation, as Erasmus correctly notes in the preface to Valla's Annotations . Cf. Ep. 182, To Christopher Fisher, Paris, [about March] 1505 (Allen 1.410/149–50; CWE 2.94/168–70). Both Erasmus and Tyndale assert that Jerome was not the author of the Vulgate. Cf. Ep. 337, To Maarten Van Dorp, Antwerp, [end of May] 1515 (Allen 2.110/773–74; CWE 3.135/811–12) and Tyndale's preface to the New Testament (Wallis 10/24; TNT 9). Erasmus dedicated his edition of Jerome to William Warham, Primate of England. See Ep. 396, Basel, 1 April 1516 (Allen 2.210–21; CWE 3.252–66; also CWE 61.3–14). After Augustine, Jerome is the Father most frequently represented in Unio Dissidentium, with about eighty passages (14%), most from his exegetical works. G. Lloyd Jones ranks Jerome first "among the Christian Hebraists of the Early Church" (7). Eugene Rice further claims that Jerome had better knowledge of Hebrew than any Christian until the 17c. Cf. Saint Jerome in the Renaissance (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1985) 10. Jerome had a working knowledge of the whole Hebrew Bible, but Tyndale was executed after translating only half. See also Jerry H. Bentley, Humanists and Holy Writ: NT Scholarship in the Renaissance (Princeton UP, 1983). In his Prologue to Numbers , Tyndale objects to Jerome's "vngodly perswasions" to celibacy (Mombert 395/26;TOT 197).

saynt Augustine. For his many theological works, at once passionate and profound, Augustine (354–430) is the greatest Father of the Western Church (NCE 1.1041–58; OER 1.98–100). He was converted to Christianity through the decisive experience of reading Rom. 13.13–14, "Let vs walke honestly as it were in the daye lyght: not in eatynge and drinkynge: nether in chamburynge and wantannes: nether in stryfe and envyinge: but put ye on the Lorde Iesus Christ. And make not provision for the flesshe, to fulfyll the lustes of it" (Wallis 338/24–28;TNT 239D). From Confessions (AD 397–401) 8.12.29 (PL 32.762; CSEL 33.195; 1NPNF 1.127). As Bishop of Hippo (395–430), Augustine wrote against Donatists [C7v, “But the pope . . . doctrine” and commentary note], Pelagians, and Semi-Pelagians [C1, “who soever . . . church” and commentary note]. Tyndale beats More to the punch by offering his own interpretation of Augustine's famous dictum on the relation between the Gospel and the church [D4v-5, “I had not beleued . . . moued me” and commentary note]. Erasmus contributed a preface to Juan Luis Vives' edition of The City of God. See Ep. 1309, To the Reader, [Basel, c August 1522] (Allen 5.117–21; CWE 9.168–73). He dedicated the complete edition of Augustine to Alfonso Fonseca, Primate of Spain. See Ep. 2157, Freiburg, <May> 1529 (Allen 8.145–61; not yet in CWE). Augustine 's De cura agenda pro mortuis (AD 421) is cited by name in Testament of Tracy (A3v). (Day reproduces Tracy's will in WCS 182.) Sidenotes on 1 Sam., Ch. 18 and Ch. 28 refer to Augustine (TOT 405, 419). The latter may have been supplied by John Rogers, who published Judges through 2 Chronicles in Matthew's Bible (1537), the year after Tyndale's execution. Unio Dissidentium contains about 250 passages (43%) from Augustine, especially from his anti-Pelagian writings, such as On the Spirit and the Letter (AD 412) (PL 44.199–216; CSEL 60.155–229; 1NPNF 5.83–114). Augustine is represented more frequently than any other Father in Unio. See O'Donnell, "Augustine in Unio Dissidentium and Tyndale's Answer to More," Reformation 2 (1997) 241–60.

S. Cyprian. Bishop of Carthage, Cyprian went into hiding during the persecution of Decius (AD 250–51) and was beheaded during the persecution of Valerian (AD 258) (NCE 3.564–66), [Q4v, “deuels marters and not Gods” and commentary note]. In the preface to his edition, Erasmus praises Cyprian for not excommunicating those who accepted the validity of Baptism administered by schismatics and heretics. Cf. Ep. 1000, To Cardinal Lorenzo Pucci, Louvain, 31 July 1519 (Allen 4.28/132–34; CWE 7.30/136–37). Unio Dissidentium contains seventeen passages (3%) from Cyprian, most from his letters, one selection from On the Lapsed (AD 251) (CCL 3.221–42; ANF 5.437–47) and none from On the Unity of the Church (AD 251) (CCL 3.249–68;ANF 5.421– 436) on the collegiality of bishops. Since Cyprian opposed Stephen I (pope, 254–57) on the question of rebaptism, Tyndale believes Cyprian would resist the contemporary monarchical papacy (Obedience T3v). In To Demetrianus (AD 252), Cyprian denied that rejection of the ancient gods by Christians was causing the decline of the Roman Empire (CCL 3A.33–51; ANF 5.457–65). Tyndale denies that the Reformation prompts its adherents to disobey civil authority (Obedience C6).

S. Deonise. Cf. Acts 17.22–34. This 5c or early 6c author assumed the name of the Athenian converted by Paul's sermon on the Areopagus (NCE 11.943–44). Lorenzo Valla denied that Dionysius belonged to the apostolic era chiefly because he was not mentioned before the time of Gregory I (pope, 590–604). In 1505 Erasmus was the first to publish Valla's Annotations on the NT (1453–57). He quotes the annotation on Acts 17 in his 1516 NT and later explains, "Dionysius, who in his second Hierarchy [Ecclesiastical Hierarchy of deacons, priests, and bishops], gives a fairly full description of the early rites of the church, is thought by the learned to be someone more recent than the celebrated member of the Areopagus who was a disciple of Paul." From Ep. 916, To Erard de la Marck, Louvain, 5 February 1519 (Allen 3.482/50–52; CWE 6.238/56–59). Cf. Karlfried Froehlich, "Pseudo-Dionysius and the Reformation of the Sixteenth Century," in Pseudo Dionysius , The Complete Works, tr. Colm Luibheid et al., Classics of Western Spirituality (Mahwah, NY: Paulist, 1987) 33–46. In 1501, William Grocyn changed his mind about the authorship of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy during the course of a lecture series which he gave in London. Cf. Ep. 2, To John Holt, London, cNovember 1501> (More, Correspondence 4/14n); Ep. 118, To Robert Fisher, London, 5 December [1499] (Allen 1.273n22; CWE 1.236n26). Although a Londoner by birth, John Colet was a resident of Oxford (1496–1505) when Grocyn gave his lectures at St. Paul's. Perhaps for this reason, Colet held that Dionysius was the disciple of Paul when he later (1512–16) wrote on the Celestial Hierarchy and Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, cf. Gleason 92, 200–1. For the texts, see Two Treatises , ed. and tr. J.H. Lupton (1869; Ridgewood, NJ: Gregg, 1966) 19. For Colet's PN, cf. [N8v, “old deane Colet” and commentary note]. When Luther rejected Dionysius as the sole patristic witness for Orders as a sacrament, Henry VIII defended him as an ancient authority and a saint in Ch. 12 on Orders (Assertio, CC 43.212). Familiar with the humanist position on Dionysius as a later Father, More mentions him only three times: "Saint Dionysius, who [Luther] does not deny is very ancient," Responsio ad Lutherum, 1523 (CWM 5/1.69/19–2o);"Dyonise the fyrste chapyter of Ecclesiasticae hierarchiae, of the Ieders and maysters of the crysten fayth, sayth that they delyuered vs many thynges to be kepte, partely by wrytynge and partely by theyr instytucyons vnwryten," Confutation, 1532–33 (CWM 8/1.369/23–26); "Saynt Denise also in his booke de Ecclesiastica Hierarchia, sayth that the apostles taught the maner of consecrating in the masse by mouth" Treatise upon the Passion, 1534–35 (CWM 13.152/1–3).

other holy men. For a survey of Erasmus' patristic editions , see John Olin, "Erasmus and the Church Fathers," in Six Essays on Erasmus (New York: Fordham UP, 1979) 33–47. The four great Latin Fathers are: Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, and Gregory . For the four major Greek Fathers, cf. [R1v, “Chrisostimus” and commentary note]. As Bishop of Milan, Ambrose (c339–97) baptized Augustine at Easter 387. Influenced by Philo and Origen, Ambrose practiced allegorical interpretation of Scripture (NCE 1.372–75). Erasmus dedicated his edition of Ambrose to John Lasky, Primate of Poland. See Ep. 1855, Basle, 13 August 1527 (Allen 7.118–26; not yet in CWE). Tyndale does not mention Ambrose by name, but he probably read the thirty-some passages from his biblical commentaries, letters, and treatises in Unio Dissidentium.

talmud. The authoritative body of post-biblical Jewish law. In the Talmud the base-text is the Mishnah (compiled AD c200) while the Gemara compiles the extensive elaborations of the rabbis down to the seventh Christian century. The first printed edition came out in Venice in 1520. The complete Talmud profoundly influenced classical, medieval, and modern Judaism. See R. Goldenberg, "Talmud," in Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. Mircea Eli–ade, 16 vols. including Index (New York: Macmillan, 1987) 14.256–60. (JW)

dunce. Cf. Mammon (G5) and Obedience (B8). The Franciscan John Duns Scotus (c1266–1308) taught the superiority of will to intellect in God and in humans, and consequently emphasized love and freedom (NCE 4.1102–6). Cf. [F6, “dunces disciples . . . raged in euery pulpyt” and commentary note] for opposition of the Scotists to humanism and [L1, “our lady . . . originall sinne” and commentary note] for Scotus' teaching in behalf of the Immaculate Conception.

Thomas. The Dominican Thomas Aquinas (c1225–74) wrote biblical commentaries, notably on the Gospel of John (NCE 14.102–15), cf. [L1, Thomas . . . full of miracles” and commentary note]. Tyndale spurned his Summa Theologica because it used the categories of Aristotelian philosophy to explain the Gospel. Tyndale compares biblical exegeses by Scotus and Aquinas with the Talmud to emphasize how inferior the scholastics are to the Bible itself. In Mammon (G5) Tyndale assures his readers that it is not through the reading of the Summa that one comes to know God. In Obedience (B8) Tyndale cites followers of Aquinas among a list of debaters, and in Prelates (F1) he mocks the universities for emphasizing disputation over interpretation of Scripture. In the same place he opposes Aquinas for making the pope into a god, and claims the pope returned the compliment by making Aquinas a saint. Tyndale admires Aquinas for questioning the Immaculate Conception [L1, “our lady . . . originall sinne”] but opposes him by allowing an equitable amount of interest in Matthew (h2v—h3).

Therfore . . . determined. CWM 8/2.706/21–707/13.

Did . . . erre. Cf. Matt. 3.9–10.

egles. Cf. CWM 8/1.176/22. In place ofTyndale's eagle, More will later scoff at a "worshyppefull wyld gose" (CWM 8/2.680/23). Germain Marc'hadour sees here an allusion to the name "Hus" meaning "goose." For Jan Hus, cf. [N8, “Wicleffe . . . liues” and commentary note]. Later More says that, if the reformers are eagles, Augustine (8/2.723/24–25) and the faithful are "the pore chykens of his mother thys knowen catholyke chyrche" (8/2.724/9–10).

ye . . . steppe. Cf. Matt. 14.25–32.

the world knoweth him not. Cf. John 1.10.

Christes . . . Christ. Cf. John 10.4.

excepte . . . Gommor. Isa. 1.9.

the lord . . . seed. Rom. 9.29, quoting Isa. 1.9.

gathered him a flocke. Cf. Ezek. 34.12.

blynde leadars of the blynd. Matt. 15.14.

eares to heare . . . can not se. Cf. Mark 8.18.

hert to vnderstonde. Cf. Jer. 24.7.

generacion of poysoned vipers. Cf. Matt. 12.34.

Now . . . knowe. Cf. CWM 8/2.717/29–718/17. Parts of this long passage are repeated below: [D4v] euen . . . father at 8/2.724/34–35; [D4v] and Christes . . . foote at 8/2.725/ 8–11; [D4v] his electe . . . not at 8/2.726/10–13; [D4v] Christes . . . knowe at 8/2.726/29–727/3; [D4v] geuen . . . knowe at 8/2.728/23–25.

I had not beleued the gospell / excepte the auctorite of the church had moved me. Against the Epistle of Manichaeus called Fundamental (AD c397) 1.5 (PL 42.176; CSEL 25/1.197; 1NPNF 4.131). When his Manichaean opponents used the Gospels to confirm the authority of their teacher Mani, Augustine replied that the Gospels are given to us by the same Catholic Church that has condemned Mani's teaching. In Christian Doctrine (AD c396–97) 2.8.12 (CCL 32.39; 1NPNF 2.538), Augustine describes the formation of the canon, not by decree, but by consensus. Unio Dissidentium quotes neither of these two passages on the church's validation of the books of the Bible. In arguing for the authenticity of the seven sacraments, Henry VIII appeals twice to this famous proof-text: Ch. 10 on Confirmation (Assertio, CC 43.189); Ch. 12 on Orders (Assertio, CC 43.208). For More, the saying expressed well the priority of the church, with its instinct for the true books, over Scripture: CWM 6/1.181/11–12, 249/21–22; 6/2.526, 655–56. (The reference on 6/1.181/10–12n should be to Responsio ad Lutherum, 1523 [CWM 5/2.735f], cf. 5/2.742–43). Cf. also More's Supplication of Souls, 1529 (CWM 7.182/14–23) and Confutation, 1532–33 (CWM 8/2.676/20–22, 736/25–738/18). This text is More's most frequently quoted passage from Augustine (CWM 8/3.1634), cf. Marc'hadour, Bible 4.201–6. On the importance of Augustine's saying for More, cf. Gogan 74, 95, 146, 198–99, and 295–96. Eck, like many Catholic opponents of the Reformation, cited Augustine 's text in his argument that Scripture is authenticated by ecclesiastical authority (Fraenkel 28; Battles 13). Tyndale maintains that Augustine was not referring to hierarchical authority as the authenticator of Scripture but to the "ernest liuinge" [D5] of the Christian people, which persuaded Augustine to take up the Christian Scriptures for personal examination. Confutation explicitly rejects Tyndale's interpretation of "authority " as "vertuouse lyuynge" (8/2.734/13) because Augustine saw that the church was a "company of both good and badde" (8/ 2.734/17). Later (8/2.796/10–12), More argues that, if Augustine accepted the Scripture because of the good example of Christians , he would be moved by historical not feeling faith.

preachinge . . . folishnesse. Cf. 1 Cor. 1.23.

wordly wisdome. 1 Cor. 1.17, cf. "wysdome of wordes" (Wallis 348/2; TNT 244C; KJV), cf. [A3, “wordlie purposse” and commentary note].

Peter . . . conuersacion. Cf. 1 Pet. 3.1–2.

how . . . husbande. Cf. 1 Cor. 7.16.

If they . . . vnbeleffe. This long passage is quoted almost verbatim at CWM 8/2.730/9–32.

And when . . . faith. Cf. CWM 8/2.741/12–17.

historicall faith . . . felynge faith. More claims that Tyndale 's twofold division of "historical faith" and "feeling faith" is a "dystynccyon made by Melancthon [sic]" (CWM 8/2.741/35). Cf. Loci Communes in Werke in Auswahl, ed. Robert Stupperich (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1951–75) 2/1.13–16; Loci Communes of 1521, in Melanchthon and Bucer, ed. Wilhelm Pauck, tr. Lowell J. Satre, LCC 19 (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1969) 27–29. In December 1521, Philip Melanchthon (1497–1560) coined the phrase "historical faith": "For pedagogical reasons I used to call that which was acquired and incomplete,'historical faith'; now I do not call it faith at all, but merely 'opinion.'" In the next paragraph Melanchthon describes the sinner's response to justification by faith, "This trust in the goodwill or mercy of God first calms our hearts and then inflames us to give thanks to God for his mercy so that we keep the law gladly and willingly." From Werke in Auswahl 2/1.92/4–6, 27–30; Melanchthon and Bucer 91–92. Like Melanchthon, Tyndale defines "historicall faith" [D5v] or "story fayth" [Q2v] as "imagination or opinion" (Mammon B3v). He reminds us throughout his corpus that not all faith is the same, citing examples of historical faith in biblical events or miracles ([Q2v, “the hole story of the byble” and following]; Mammon B3v—B4; 1 John A8v, B6, F7). In contrast, "felynge faith" [D5v] or "lively faith" (1 John B6) is characterized by an immutable trust that one has been saved by Christ. Works performed out of love for humanity are the visible tokens of feeling faith (cf. 1 John G1, Matthew p2r—v). Neither reception of the sacraments nor the performance of good works alone justifies the soul (O3, “the faith of a repentynge soule . . . O3v and holy church”; Q2v, ‘Herof ye see . . . Q3 . . . the holygoste”]; 1 John G1; Matthew k5v—k7, p2r—v). When Tyndale writes that "faith justifieth" (Matthew k5v), he emphasizes how God's grace, not human will, delivers us from sin [P7, “Paul saith . . . hate synne”]. God alone justifies us "as cause efficient or workman" of our salvation (Matthew k6v) through grace [P7v, “Now faith . . . by grace”]. Tyndale's concept of faith emphasizes the law of God as good and right.

roben hode. There are at least a hundred references to this chameleon figure between a record of a murder by a servant of the Abbot of Cirencester (1213) and the allusions in More's Dialogue (1529) (CWM 6/1.335/31) and in Tyndale's Obedience (1528). Cf. Lucy Sussex, "Appendix, References to Robin Hood up to 1600," in Stephen Knight, Robin Hood: A Complete Study of the English Outlaw (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994) 262–88. The earliest allusion to Robin Hood in English literature occurs in Piers Plowman (c1377), where Sloth confesses, "I kan noght parfitly my Paternoster as the preest it syngeth, / But I kan rymes of Robyn hood and Randolf Erl of Chestre," Passus V, lines 394–95. Tyndale often cites the legend of Robin Hood as an example of a foolish but widely held belief. Furthering his attack on non-biblical authorities, he insists that Fisher lists so many, he may as well include Robin Hood with Plato, Aristotle, and Origen (Obedience H8v). Compared to the eternal word of God and the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, the authority of the Fathers is as unreliable as this legend (Mammon D8v, Obedience T4). Tyndale also wonders why the pope permits the laity to read stories of Robin Hood, Bevis of Hampton, Hercules, Hector, and Troilus but not the Bible (Obedience C4). Although Tyndale concedes that allegorical interpretations of the Bible, like tales of Robin Hood, may serve to illustrate a point, he insists that they be used sparingly, since they prove nothing themselves and require a foundation in the Scripture (Obedience R4). References to Robin Hood also occur in the prologues to Genesis (Mombert 11/10;TOT 8) and Jonas (TOT 629) and in a sidenote to Deut. 11 (Mombert 561; TOT 273).

They ... of God. John 6.45 quoting Isa. 54.13.

the spirite . . . God. Rom. 8.16.

Samaritanish . . . come in. Cf. John 4.28–29, 39–40.

the woman . . . worlde. Cf. John 4.42.

cursed . . . arme. Jer. 17.5.

The historical ... worlde. Cf. CWM 8/2.742/4–743/18. Parts of this long passage are repeated below: [D6] But . . . therin at 8/2.752/5–14; [D6-6v] For . . . mad men is paraphrased at 8/2.760/29–32; [D6v] saith . . . worlde at 8/2.763/ 6–11.

The faith . . . weke. CWM 8/2.764/23–24.

If . . . nature. Cf. CWM 8/2.705/2–8n and 172/16. Ulrich von Hutten rejects Cisalpine sexual mores with righteous indignation : "Am I to cringe to these epicene priestlings? Must I keep my hands off these mincing sodomites and worship these lecherous popes . . .?" From Ep. 1161, To Erasmus, Ebernburg, 13 November 1520 (Allen 4.382/56–58; CWE 8.89/61–63). Tyndale's charge that Roman prostitutes numbered some 30,000 agrees with the report given by Francesco Delicado of Cordova, a resident of Rome after 1523. But a more careful analysis, based on the census of 1526–27, arrived at the number of 1,550 prostitutes, which was 3% of the population of Rome. Cf. Pio Pecchiai, Roma nel cinquecento (Bologna: Cappelli, 1984) 304. The bath-houses listed by Pecchiai (312ff) do not mention any that offered the service of "younge boyes agenst nature" [D6v], although the same author has evidence that the "vice of the Greeks" had made inroads in Renaissance Rome (317). Here Tyndale may be under the influence of the stereotypical charge of pederasty in the anti-Italian polemics of northern humanists. See Ingrid G. Rowland, "Revenge of the Regensburg Humanists, 1493," Sixteenth Century Journal 24 (1994) 307–22.

stues . . . lawe. Cf. Lev. 20.13. The type of death penalty for sodomy is not specified; burning is the death penalty for marriage first to a mother and then to her daughter (verse 14).

.xl. or .l. hundred thousand. Tyndale claims that in his day there were four or five million clergy bound to celibacy in the Roman Church. This number, equaling 9% or 11% of the population ofWestern Europe, is much too high. In England about 2% of the population were ordained priests, cf. [F6v, “.xx. thousand prestes curates” and commentary note]. In 1500, one estimate would total 45.3 million Latin-rite Christians: British Isles (4), Iberia (8.3), France and the Low Countries (16), Italy (5.5) Germany (7), Scandinavia (.5), Poland (2), and Hungary (2); 8.25 million Orthodox Christians: Greece (.75), the Balkans (1.5), and Russia (6); 16.25 million Muslims in the Ottoman Empire : Greece (.75), the Balkans (1.5), Asia Minor (6), Syria (2), Egypt (2.5), and North Africa (3.5). Cf. Glenn T. Trewartha, A Geography of Population: World Patterns (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1969) 21, Table 1.3. This table does not include Jews in Italy, Germany, Poland, and Russia. For a discussion of the proportion of Christians to Muslims, cf. [D7v, “.v. tymes mo then we” and commentary note].

vnions and tot quottes. Cf. Obedience K3v; 1 John D2v, D5v, E6, F4v. For the phrase "pluralities of benefices," cf. Prelates K2v-K3.

couetousnesse. Because prelates do not practice what they preach about the sin of avarice, More does not defend them against Tyndale's accusation of covetousness. William E. Lunt gives the essential background in Papal Revenues in the Middle Ages, 2 vols. (New York: Columbia UP, 1934), while Barbara M. Hallman treats the abusive practices that lived on through most of the 16c, in Italian Cardinals, Reform, and the Church as Property (Berkeley: U of California P, 1985). Luther gave extensive coverage to Roman financial exploitation of Germany in his reform tract, To the Christian Nobility, 1520 (WA 6.407/9–411/7; LW 44.142–68), where he mentions the same canonical measures named by Tyndale [D7] by which high clerics circumvented the sanctions against pluralism of pastoral benefices and offices.

lecherye. In the preface to a new edition of Enchiridion, Erasmus cites a patristic criticism of poor moral judgment on the clergy : "Augustine complains in his letters that lechery is the one offence imputed to the clergy in Africa, while the vices of avarice and drunkenness are almost counted to their credit." Cf. Ep. 22, Augustine to Bp. Valerius (AD c392) 1.3 (PL 33.91; CSEL 34/1.56-–57; Parsons 1.53), cited by Erasmus, Ep. 858, To Paul Volz, Basel, 14 August 1518 (Allen 3.372/417–20; CWE 6.85/441–44; also Holborn 15/15–17; CWE 66.18). In his memorial of Colet, Erasmus praises the better judgment of his friend: "He used to say that avarice and pride were much more to be abhorred in a priest than if he had a hundred concubines." From Ep. 1211, To Justus Jonas, Anderlecht , 13 June 1521 (Allen 4.521/467–68; CWE 8.239/508–10).

bilt . . . sonde. Cf. Matt. 7.26.

For if . . . can runne. To exemplify the two kinds of faith, Tyndale alleges the empty teaching by pope and hierarchy on the sinfulness of lechery and avarice. Papal connivance in sexual immorality is shown by the Roman bordello established under Sixtus IV (pope, 1471–84), from which annual taxes were said to bring in some 80,000 ducats for the papal treasury. Cf. G. Denzler, Das Papstum und der Amtszölibat, 2 vols. (Stuttgart: Hiersemann , 1973–76) 1.134. On the "licence to kepe euery man his whore" [D6v], cf. [C7, “forboden lawfull wedlocke” and commentary note].

.v. tymes mo then we. Based on the estimates for 1500 given at [D6v, “.xl. or .l. hundred thousand” and commentary note], 45.3 million Catholic plus 8.25 million Orthodox would give a total of 53.55 million Christians compared to 16.25 million Muslims in the Ottoman Empire (i.e., excluding Northern India and Indonesia). Thus Christians could outnumber Muslims about three to one. The number of sixteen million approximates the ten to fifteen million people in the Ottoman Empire suggested for the beginning of the 16c by Albert Hourani, A History of the Arab Peoples, Belknap (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1991) 232. Perhaps Tyndale's sense of Christians as a minority beseiged by Muslims stems from the conquests in the Middle East and North Africa in the 7c and 8c and in Greece and the Balkans in the 15c and 16c. Confutation accepts Answer's ratio of five Muslims to one Christian (CWM 8/2.770/35–771/1).

Abrahams seed. Cf. John 8.33.

beynge . . . made. Cf. Rom. 9.7–8.

And we . . . multytude. Cf. CWM 8/1.252/9–10.

litle flocke. Cf. Jer. 23.3 KJV, "the renmant [sic] of my flocke," paraphrased by Luke 12.32. Tyndale echoes Luther in the latter's Responsio of 1521 to Ambrosius Catharinus: indicat paucos servare ab eorum perditione (WA 7.727/6; not in LW). Tyndale uses variations on this name in Obedience C6v and eleven times in Answer.

The turkes . . . waye. CWM 8/2.767/15–29.

not . . . chyldren. Rom. 9.6–7.

Master Mores fayth / the popes fayth and the deuels fayth. For this infernal triad, cf. CWM 8/2.773/20–23, 787/25–26.

Euen . . . church. Cf. CWM 8/2.777/30–35.

Isaac and Ismael. Cf. Gen. 21.9–13; [I1, “an Ismaell and an Isaac”, “Ismaell Isaac & soforth”].

Iacob and Esau. Cf. Gen. 27.1–45, cf. [I1, “an Esau and a Iacob”].

And Ismael . . . spiritual. Cf. Gal. 4.21–31.

There is . . . brethern. Cf. CWM 8/2.788/27–31.

paul . . . brethern. Cf. Gal. 2.4.

as we . . . ende. Cf. CWM 8/2.788/33–34.

What . . . Moses. According to Exod. 12.37, about 600,000 men left Egypt, not counting women and children.

Simon magus . . . miracles. Cf. Acts 8.13.

.vj. . . . them. According to Num. 14.29 and 26.63–65, all of the adult males who left Egypt died in the forty-year trek through the desert except Joshua and Caleb.

Samaritanes . . . woman. Cf. John 4.39,42.

laytyne tongue agayne. Cf. [F6v, “the true Latine tonge” and commentary note].

¶ How . . . trueth. CWM 8/2.773/13–774/37.

God . . . christ. Cf. Eph. 2.4.

before the world was made. Cf. Eph. 1.4.

when wee were deed in synne. Cf. Eph. 2.5.

and his enemies. Cf. Rom. 5.10.

how . . . memorials. Confutation paraphrases Tyndale's definition of true worship, cf. CWM 8/2.775/9–12.

It hath . . . seruice. Here Tyndale supplies a key component of his didactic conception of rites and sacraments. Only feeling faith allows the elect to approach sacraments and ceremonies not as good works but as instructional reminders about God's grace and human duty. Cf. the passages indicated in [A3, “holysalt . . . oyle” and commentary note].

can iudge . . . person. Confutation quotes Tyndale's discussion of true love of neighbor nearly verbatim, cf. CWM 8/2.775/15–18.

dulia / yperdulia and latria. For Aquinas, dulia is rendered to a human being who participates in some limited way in God's power and dignity; hyperdulia is the highest species of dulia, being the veneration of Mary in virtue of the special affinity to God that is her divine motherhood; latria is the veneration due to God in virtue of his supreme dominion (Summa II—II, Q. 103, Art. 3–4). This systematic analysis was cited by 15c English defenders of devotional images and the veneration of the saints against Lollard attacks. Cf.W.R. Jones, "Lollards and Images: the Defense of Religious Art in Later Medieval England ''Journal of the History of Ideas 34 (1973) 27–50, esp. 44f. More defines these three grades of worship by giving dulia to living superiors, hyperdulia to angels and saints as well as to Mary, and latria to God alone (CWM 6/1.97/28–33). He brands the charge that people mistakenly offer latria to saints as a cloak for the heresy of refusing any role to the saints in Christian devotion (CWM 6/1.230/1–232/36). For More's comment on the rejection of scholastic distinctions by Luther and Tyndale, cf. CWM 8/2.741/32–34,91/31, 123/28, 124/4.

the cardinalles hatte. The son of a butcher, Thomas Wolsey (c1473–1530) exercized powers in England second only to the king and the pope. In tracing Wolsey's secular career, Tyndale refers to his brisk management of the French campaign in 1513 (Prelates D3), which earned his appointment as Lord Chancellor, December 1515; his meetings with Charles V (emperor, 1519–55/ 56) in May 1520 and July 1521 (Prelates H1v); his efforts to raise money from Parliament for the invasion of France in 1523 (Obedience E7); his treaty with France in 1527 (Prelates H6). Although Wolsey was forced to resign the office of Lord Chancellor, Tyndale mistakenly asserts that he continued his policies through More, his preferred successor (Prelates K2). Tyndale sneers at Wolsey's death from intestinal disease (1 John D3, D5v), which saved him from trial and execution for treason. Tyndale attacks Wolsey's pluralism in the pun "Wolfsee" (Prelates G4r-v, G6r-v, G7, G8v, H1; 1 John D5v) and calls him "Cayphas" (Prelates H7). Tyndale mocks Wolsey's successively richer ecclesiastical offices (1 John D5v), chief of which were Archbishop of York (September 1514) and Cardinal (September 1515). He became papal legate a latere for a limited term in 1518 and for life in 1524 (Obedience L4, L8v; 1 John D5v). His supposed papal ambitions, however, were frustrated (Prelates H6). Tyndale scorns the elaborate ceremonies associated with Wolsey's reception of the red hat (Prelates K5, 1 John D3). His gentleman usher George Cavendish describes Wolsey's weekday processions to Westminster Hall and Sunday processions to Greenwich, cf. Cavendish 22/32–24/33. Tyndale ironically anticipates Wolsey's canonization ([K4, “the ensample . . . tyme also”; L1, “And of our cardenall . . . of the others”]; Obedience P7). Then, his personal belongings would be venerated as relics: red hat, [E2, “the cardinalles hatte . . . idololatria”; H1, “he worsheped the cardinalles hatt”], ceremonial pillars and pole-axes [G2v, “pilars / polaxes . . . hattes” and commentary note; H6, “polaxes”], ornate chair [K1v, “my lorde cardenales holy cheyar”]. Tyndale does not comment on Wolsey's efforts between 1517 and 1526 to protect tenant farmers and laborers against unlawful land enclosures. Cf. Peter Gwyn, The King's Cardinal: The Rise and Fall of Thomas Wolsey (London: Barrie and Jenkins, 1990) 411–35. Nor does Tyndale mention Wolsey's grandiose projects, Hampton Court and Cardinal College. See Cardinal Wolsey: Church, state and art, ed. S.J. Gunn and P.G. Lindley (Cambridge UP, 1991). Tyndale's older contemporary John Skelton (c1460–1529) targets Wolsey's virtual usurpation of royal power in his verse satires of 1521–22: "Speke, Parott," "Collyn Clout," and "Why Come Ye Nat to Courte?" See John Skelton: The Complete English Poems, ed. John Scattergood (New York: Penguin, 1983). Later in the century, Foxe summarizes Wolsey's career (4.587–617).

vnto his awne likenes. Cf. Gen. 1.27, repeated at [E2v, “God . . . awne image”; E3v, “ymage of god”].

christ . . . bloude. Cf. 1 Pet. 1.18–19.

loue his lawe. Cf. Ps. 119.97.

father/mother. Cf. Obedience F8v—G1v; master. Cf. Obedience G2r—v; husband. Cf. Obedience G1v—G2; lorde and prince. Cf. Obedience G3v—G7. Tyndale here alludes to the duties of those in temporal authority, treated more fully in the earlier book.

helpe him at all his nede. Cf. 1 John 3.17, at [E2v, “helpe my neyboure at his nede”; E2v, “my neyghboure . . withdraw it.”]

as thou woldest be holpe. Cf. Matt. 7.12, Luke 6.31.

saruant. For the believer as a servant of Christ, cf. Eph. 6.6.

saruauntes to other. For those in authority as servants to their subjects, cf. Matt. 20.27, Matt. 23.11.

hand ... a nother. Cf. 1 Cor. 12.15, 25.

man is lorde ouer them. Tyndale appears to be the only Reformation critic of images who argued from the place of human beings in the hierarchy of being and ordered service. His norm is the human lordship over images and pious objects, which are subordinate creatures: "[W]e be lordes ouer all soch thynges and they our seruauntes" [G7]. The varieties of early 16c argument are treated by Eire passim.

man . . . sarue him. Cf. Ps. 8.6.

ceremonies / images / reliques. In Dialogue Bk. 1, Ch. 3, the Messenger opposes these sacramentals (CWM 6/1.51–60), but More as Mentor defends them in Bk. 2, Ch. 9–10 (CWM 6/ 1.217–29). Cf. the opening chapters of Keith Thomas, esp. p. 27, where saints' images are treated with apposite citations of More and Tyndale. Delumeau surveys the use of protective blessings, objects , and processions in Part I (33–176) and the aid sought from saints in Part II (179–289).

werkmansheppe . . . man. Cf. Ps. 115.4.

the holy daye . . . man. Cf. Mark 2.27.

naked. Cf. Jas. 2.15–16.

whosoeuer . . . persecucion. Cf. Matt. 16.24.

If . . . the churches. In Obedience O4v, Tyndale comments wittily on fraudulent relics, e.g., Christ's robe: "For that is here yet / I wott not in how many places."This passage of Answer describes uses of the cross that promote the essentials of piety, contrasting with abusive practices attacked as idolatrous at [E4v, “But the abuse . . . E5 . . . not gods worde”]. Cf. [G5, “And a Christen . . . in youre hertes”; K4, “And Christ shewed . . . is destroyed”; P3v, “M. Item that men . . . in those festes”]. More incorrectly asserts that Tyndale rejects all devotion to the cross (CWM 8/1.129/1–5).

the true life of a saynt. More as Mentor defends praying to saints in Dialogue, Bk. 2, Ch. 8 and 11 (CWM 6/1.210–17, 229–37). The right use of their images will promote imitation of their faith, love, and patient suffering. Displacement of right use will be mentioned at [E5v, “Nether can the riche cote . . . Idolaters”] and will recur frequently, cf. [G3v, “the miracles . . . preachinge” and commentary note].

God . . . pacyence. Cf. 1 Thess. 2.4.

serue God only. Cf. Deut. 11.13.

promyses of mercye. Cf. Luke 1.72.

Saynt Ihons Gospell. CWM 7.181/2 and n. The Prologue on the incarnation of the Word (John 1.1–14) was a favorite medieval locus of God's power to save. It was at times recited over the sick before the Last Rites and was read as a blessing for good weather. In the late Middle Ages its recital became associated with the final blessing at Mass, as the "Last Gospel," being seen as protection against the devil's attacks which would recommence when Massgoers left the consecrated building, cf. Jungmann 2.543–46.

and wythe reuerence on the very arses. Henry Walter, the Victorian editor, bowdlerized this passage but uncannily preserved the offensive word "arse" in "coarse": "A coarse expression is here omitted" (PS 3.61n2). Keith Thomas (36) and Brigden (16n48) both cite the PS version, but Duffy (215) quotes the original . Walter also omitted references to sexual organs, Obedience P2v (PS 1.285n1); to marital relations, Matthew 05 (PS 2.125n2); to excretory functions, Prelates F7 (PS 2.300n1), 1 John D3, D5v (PS 2.174n2, 2.177n3), but Walter did not omit references to excretory functions in Mammon F7v (PS 1.100). Walter castrated the text of Obedience by omitting "the privey membre of God which ys" (R8v) before the phrase "the word of promise" (PS 1.311 without note). For another unmarked emendation, cf. [O7, “where of . . . soforth” and commentary note].

S. Agathes letter. After Agatha was martyred in Sicily (c251), Mt. Etna stopped erupting when prayers were offered through her intercession (NCE 1.196–97). In Dialogue, the Messenger indirectly refers to Agatha (CWM 6/1.227/8) among the many saints who are the object of superstitious devotion. Tyndale repeatedly cautions against praying to saints for assistance, associating such practices with idolatry. Examples include using "S. Agathes letter" as a charm against the burning of houses (cf. PS 3.61n3), ascribing healing powers to Apollonia [P1, “S. Appoline” and commentary note], fearing the vengeance of Laurence (d. 258) and Anthony of Egypt (251–356) (1 John C4v), and believing the visions of Bridget of Sweden (1303–73) (Obedience B8). Duffy gives illustrations of Agatha (Plate 69) and Bridget of Sweden (Plates 61–62) among others. The Temptation of St. Anthony was painted by Hieronymus Bosch (c1505–10) in Antwerp (Ill. 200–2) and by Mathias Grünewald in 1515 for the Isenheim Altarpiece (Colorplate 55) at Colmar. Although the innermost level of the altarpiece features St. Anthony, the middle level highlights the Annunciation and Resurrection, and the outermost the Crucifixion. See James Synder, Northern Renaissance Art (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1985).

limeteriers. Tyndale's friars, licensed to beg within certain limits (here and Obedience H3v), are brothers of Chaucer's "lymytour " ("General Prologue," Canterbury Tales, I [A] 209).

in principio erat verbum. John 1.1. The opening words of the Gospel of John were used to drive demons away; cf. the Friar's greeting ("General Prologue," Canterbury Tales, I [A] 254). Duffy (216) adds, "Inscribed on parchment, it was frequently worn round the neck to cure disease', and lay people also hung it on the necks or horns of ailing cattle." In the preface to his Paraphrase on John, Erasmus tries to spiritualize this custom: "Surely it is the teaching of that gospel that we ought to wear next our hearts to be our shield against all the sickness of sin." From Ep. 1333, To Ferdinand of Austria, Basel, 5 January 1523 (Allen 5.169/ 255–57; CWE 9.239/272–73).

corne in the feld. On Rogation Days, the three days before Ascension Thursday, the clergy and people walked in a procession around the boundaries of the parish. The priest read passages from the Gospels at station-points in lanes and fields to drive out evil spirits and to insure the fertility of the crops. Duffy (279) cites this passage from Answer. For the reformers, however, popular ceremonies based on pagan customs corrupt God's truth. These include reciting the Gospels during the Rogation procession (also Obedience K2v) or celebrating the Feast of Asses with a procession of a girl and child on an ass (Mammon F1v, cf. PS 1.91–92n3). The first is a Christian version of the pagan observance of Robigalia, and the second is part of Saturnalia. God is a spirit, but images, relics, ceremonies, pilgrimages, and fasts only reveal a lack of faith through a dependence on fleshly memorials (1 John H1v). Even the use of rosary beads reveals a false understanding of God (Matthew n2). Since a person is saved by faith, a pilgrimage will not secure the forgiveness of sins (Obedience O6v).

the riches that is bestowed on images. Tyndale argues that prelates are wrongly diverting contributions meant for the poor into supplying precious ornaments for statues. Lollard polemics against images had argued in this manner, cf. Hudson 83/1–86/ 121. Such a critique of images of the saints had also been sounded by Erasmus, Andreas Karlstadt, and Martin Bucer, cf. Eire 44f, 9of.

ensample of the saint. The biography of the Roman deacon and martyr Laurence (d. AD 258) and the West Saxon (?) Witta, who shared wealth, food, and clothing with the poor, served to celebrate the charity of the early church in implicit contrast to the greed of the contemporary church (Prelates B5, 1 John H2r-v). While rejecting the intercession of the saints, Tyndale does agree that their lives provide examples of righteousness. The collects of Stephen and Laurence, for example, recall their enduring faith and love (Obedience I8v, cf. PS 1.231n3). For an illustration of the shrine of St. Candida or Witta, Whitchurch Canonicorum, Dorset, see Duffy (Plate 78). Cf. [E4, “the true life of a saynt”; G3v, “miracles . . . his preachinge”; I8, “collectes of saintes” and commentary note].

Idolater . . . serueimage. Tyndale gives similar translations in 1 John G8v: "Idolatre" as "imageseruice," "Idolater" as "imageseruaunt."

promises . . . sonne. Cf. Eph. 3.6.

¶ Pilgrimages. A major theme of Dialogue Bk. 1, Ch. 2–17 (CWM 6/1.5–101). An ample account of the background is found in Jonathan Sumption, Pilgrimage: An Image of Medieval Religion (London: Faber, 1975), in which Ch. 14–15 treat the late-medieval increase of pilgrimages, both to long-revered sanctuaries like Walsingham and Mont-Saint-Michel and to new centers of enthusiastic devotion like Wilsnak, near Wittenberg, with its bleeding host. Lollards attacked pilgrimages as wasteful of time and money, as occasions of lechery, gluttony, and drunkenness away from home and neighbors, and as wrong in localizing Christ or Mary at one place, cf. Hudson 86/122–87/167. Luther's To the Christian Nobility, 1520 (WA 6.447/17–450/21; LW 44.185–89), called for the suppression of pilgrim shrines with their many abuses so people could seek Christ's word and sacrament in their parish churches. Cf. later passages on pilgrimages: [G1v, “pilgrimage and all bodyly exercice”; G4, “He saith . . . their circles”; G6v, “As the miracles . . . se playnly”; M3, “pilgremages”]. The most engaging literary treatment of the theme occurs in Chaucer's Canterbury Tales (c1387—c1400), where the thirty-odd pilgrims to the shrine of Becket represent every class of feudal society . Margery Kempe (c1373-c1439), who dictated the earliest surviving autobiography in English, left a vivid narrative of her three major pilgrimages: to Jerusalem, Assisi, and Rome; to Santiago; to Wilsnak and Aachen. See The Book of Margery Kempe, ed. Sanford Brown Meech and Hope Emily Allen, EETS 212 (London : Oxford UP, 1940).

viset . . . presoner. Cf. Matt. 25.36.

gods . . . mouth. Cf. Rom. 10.8.

god . . . handes. Cf. Acts 17.24.

steuen . . . prophetes. Acts 7.48–49, quoting Isa. 66.1–2.

thirde of the kinges. The Vulgate designates 1 and 2 Samuel as "1 and 2 Kings," 1 and 2 Kings as "3 and 4 Kings."We follow the titles used in the KJV because it is based on the Hebrew.

he had . . . there. Cf. 1 Kings 8.27, 30.

false . . . their. Cf. Jer. 7.4.

psalme .xlix. . . . glorifie me. Ps. 50.15; Answer gives the Vulgate number Psal. 49. [E6v, side note 1], cf. [F1, “.xlix. psalme . . . gottes” and commentary note].

Iob . . . dongehyll. Cf. Job. 2.8. KJV has "among the ashes." David Daniell noted in a letter that "dunghill" comes from the Septuagint and the Vulgate, but "ashes" is found in Luther and Geneva [private correspondence].

Poules [prayer] in the temple. Cf. Acts 22.17.

Whatsoeuer . . . you. John 16.23.

God . . . spirite. Cf. John 4.24.

ceremonies ... of the olde testament. In Israel sacraments instituted to preach and instruct degenerated into good works to gain God's favor. Illustrations are circumcision [E7, “As circumcision . . . E7v . . . and else not”], the paschal lamb [E7v, “the paschall lambe . . . for synne”], sacrifices [E7v, “And the offeringe . . . E8 . . . forgeuen them”; E8v, “They they went . . . gods worde”], the sabbath [E8v, “And to speake . . . F1 . . . luke .xiij.”], the brazen serpent [F1, “And of like blyndnesse . . . did they”], and the Temple [F1, “And of the temple . . . their hertes”]. The present section sets the stage for Tyndale's account of an analogous loss in Christianity of the original didactic purpose of rites, ceremonies, and sacraments [F1v, “¶How ceremonies . . . F8 . . . popeholy workes.”]. The fall into idolatry, in fact, marks humanity universally outside the ambit of the elect who are inwardly taught by the Holy Spirit [E1, “It hath pleased . . . bodyly seruice.”]).

sacramentes. Tyndale's emphasis on the didactic function of ceremonies in general contrasts with the concern of medieval scholasticism to explain how the seven sacraments are both signs and causes of sanctifying grace in those receiving them devoutly. Peter Lombard's mid-12c formulation contrasted OT rites, which only signify, with the Christian sacraments that also cause the sanctification they signify (Sentences Bk. 4, Dist. 1, Ch. 4). The Franciscan tradition of St. Bonaventure and Duns Scotus understood sacramental causality broadly, emphasizing God's decree or pactum to give grace upon performance of the Christian rites. Aquinas founded an opposing tradition that insisted on the true instrumentality of the sacramental means of grace, but he also broadened the notion of signification by elaborating a threefold reference of the sacramental sign: to Christ's passion, the principal cause of sanctification, as signum rememorativum; to the grace now given, as signum demonstrativum, e.g. of rebirth, nourishment, etc.; and to future glory, as signum prognosticum (Summa III, Q. 60, Art. 3, Sed contra). Aquinas' sacramental doctrine received official sanction at the Council of Florence (1439), where his work De articulis fidei et ecclesiae sacramentis was incorporated into the Decree of Union with the Armenians, cf. [P8, “signes of promises of fayth” and commentary note]. Erasmus could cite Lombard 's formula on sacraments as causes and made reference to the Franciscan notion of God's pactum, but Erasmus was more influential as a critic of externalized ritual practice that neglected the inner meaning, for sacraments represent divine archetypes and exhort to virtuous behavior, cf. Payne 97–103. Luther's early works on sacraments single out the promissory word of God that every sacrament contains and corroborates by its outward rite. The chief concern, however, is faith by which recipients pass over from doubt and anguish of conscience to lay hold of the mercy that Christ's promise conveys, e.g., Sacrament of Penance, 1519 (WA 2.719–20; LW 35–17f); Holy Sacrament of Baptism, 1519 (WA 2.732; LW 35–35f); Babylonian Captivity, 1520 (WA 6.516–18; LW 36.42–44). In Obedience (October 1528) Tyndale was strongly influenced by Luther's emphasis on rightly using the true sacraments, Baptism and the Eucharist, in faith. However, Luther signalled a transition in 1526 in the opening lines of The Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ (WA 19.482f; LW 36.335) for the external means instituted by Christ had come under fire from Karlstadt and Zwingli. In a new emphasis not influencing Tyndale, Luther asserts emphatically the priority of the outward means over the inward spiritual result: "God has determined to give the inward to no one except through the outward. For he wants to give no one the Spirit or faith outside the outward Word and sign instituted by him." From Against the Heavenly Prophets, 1525 (WA 18.136; LW 40.146). Emblematic of this second concern are Luther's lengthy polemics against Zwingli's spiritualizing of the Lord's Supper. Luther defended the true presence and reception of the body and blood of Christ under the outer forms of bread and wine, e.g.: That These Words of Christ, "This is My Body," etc. Still Stand Firm Against the Fanatics, 1527 (WA 23.64–283; LW 37.13–150); Confession concerning Christ's Supper, 1528 (WA 26.261–509; LW 37.161–372). Parallel expressions of Tyndale's sacramental doctrine in Answer are [A2v, “And even likewyse . . . and so forth.”; C6v, “The pope . . . serue them.”; D3v, “And as I said . . . serued vs.”; E1, “It hath pleased God . . . bodyly seruice.”; F5v, “And so thorow . . . tradicions of men.”]. At [O3, “the faith . . . O3v and holy church.”], he echoes Luther's teaching on faith in the promise announced in the sacrament. An influence on Tyndale may have come from Zwingli's works of the 1520s, which attack a causal view of the sacraments, for no external thing may justify a human being or confirm faith. The sacraments for Zwingli do evoke the commemoration of a past event, but more emphatic is the renewed declaration of believers' fidelity to Christ by their devout participation in the rites. Cf. J. Pollet, "Zwinglianisme," Dictionnaire de Théologie catholique 15/ 2.3811–18.

signes preachinge. For the sacraments as signs, cf. Obedience M1, M7; CWM 8/1.84/2. For the preaching implied by the water of Baptism, cf. Obedience M2. For the necessity of preaching the signification of the Eucharist, cf. Obedience M2; CWM 8/1.96/1–2, 17–26. Tyndale's Eucharistic theology is similar to that of Zwingli and Oecolampadius. Huldrych Zwingli (1484–1531) was leader of the Reformation in Zurich. At the Marburg Colloquy in October 1529, he argued against Melanchthon that the Eucharist remained bread and wine (OER 2.320–23). Through independent study, Johannes Oecolampadius (1482–1531) came to agree with Zwingli that the Lord's Supper memorialized only the spiritual presence of Christ. He defended this position against Luther at Marburg (OER 3.169–71). For Fisher's De veritate corporis et sanguine Christi (1527), see Surtz, Ch. 18, "Answering Oecolampadius on the Real Presence," 337–50.

encrease . . . erth. Cf. Deut. 6.3.

circumcision . . . not. Cf. Rom. 2.25.

god . . . not. Cf. Rom. 3.30.

paschall lambe. Cf. Exod. 12.21–28.

first frutes. Cf. Exod. 34.22–26.

lambes. For the sacrifice of a lamb each morning and evening, cf. Exod. 29.39–42; for the sin offering of a private person, cf. Lev. 4.32–35. kyddes. For sin offerings, cf. Lev. 4.22–26. shepe. For peace offerings, cf. Lev. 22.21. calues / gottes and oxen. For male goats as sin offerings, calves and lambs as burnt offerings, oxen and rams as peace offerings, cf. Lev. 9.3.

doues / turtles. For turtledoves as burnt offerings, cf. Lev. 1.14–17.

seedes . . . Abraham. Cf. Gen. 22.18 and 26.4, Gal. 3.16.

no . . . them. Cf. Lev. 9.7. Moses tells Aaron to sacrifice a calf to "make an attonement for the[e] and for the people" (Mombert 322; TOT 161).

¶ False worshepynge. In terminology Tyndale may be echoing Lutheran usage in indicting the pre-Reformation church, especially in numerous position papers drawn up in preparation for the Diet of Augsburg. Cf. Wicks, "Abuses" 257–63 and 274 in reference to Luther's Exhortation to all the Clergy Assembled at Augsburg, 1530 (WA 30/2.345–52; LW 34.52–59).

workes . . . iustified. For Tyndale Turks, Jews, and papists believe in justification by works and are not counted among the elect because ceremonies alone cannot purge sin from the heart [A5, “And of the lawe . . . vnto god.”; E8, “¶False worshepynge”; I1, “And to poynte . . . false werkes.”; I6, “And a nother . . . theyr hertes.”; K8, “And as for the turkes . . . sworne it.”]. In Matthew (06) he notes how Turks and Jews give alms, but cannot gain salvation because they lack saving faith. For believing that good works make a person righteous, the pope joins the company of the heretical Pelagius (1 John E3v, D8v; Matthew m1v). Tyndale thus contrasts the works of Turks, Jews, and papists with the faith of the elect, who trust in the promise of Christ's blood ([P8, “The turcke . . . Christes bloude”], Matthew 06); their good works are the fruit of faith and love of God [O3v, “he shuld loue . . . sight of god”, Q2, “Whych loue of God . . . R1 . . . consciences of all men.”]

parable of the pharesey and publican. Cf. Luke 18.9–14.

man . . . shepe. Cf. Matt. 12.12.

For . . . calues. Cf. Isa. 1.11.

oxe . . . shepe. Cf. Exod. 20.24.

doue. Cf. Lev. 12.8, Luke 2.24. The poor may substitute a pair of doves for a lamb.

they offered . . . images. Cf., e.g., Lev. 18.21, Deut. 18.10.

Abraham . . . blessed. Cf. Gen. 22.9–18.

sabbath. Cf. Exod. 31.12–17. The sidenote links sabbath observance to justification by faith (Mombert 258–59; TOT 131).

holy daye . . . sanctified. For listening to preaching as the purpose of the sabbath, cf. CWM 8/1.76/1–2.

the ruler . . . holy daye. Cf. Luke 13.14.

brasen serpent. Made by Moses, cf. Num. 21.9. Destroyed by Hezekiah after it became an object of idolatry, cf. 2 Kings 18.4.

temple . . . there. Cf. Jer. 7.9–15.

prayar. Prayer is the longing of the believer for the effects of God's promises (Mammon F2v, Obedience Q7, Introduction to Romans a4v). It consists of praise, thanksgiving, and petitions for defense against temptation (Matthew 14, n4v—n6v). It is not the empty pattering of longer hours in choir and more numerous Masses for the Dead (Obedience Q3v-R1). For Tyndale, the believing heart is a true temple because the word dwells there as source of prayer [F1, “they coulde not . . . hys herte”].

.xlix. psalme . . . gottes. Ps. 50.9, 13. Answer gives the Vulgate number, cf. [E6v, “psalme .xlix. . . . glorifie me” and commentary note].

what . . . gottes. Isa. 1.11.

referrynge theyr fast . . . spirite. Cf. CWM 8/1.64/2–3. Tyndale accepts fasting only as a means of taming the flesh, cf. 1 Cor. 9.27, Col. 3.5, but he rejects it as a form of works-righteousness. He discusses the proper methods and motives for fasting in Mammon (F1r—v). In commenting on Matt. 6.16–18, he will discuss fasting extensively in Matthew, e.g., in Advent and Lent (k8v) and on the seasonal Ember Days and fasts in honor of Mary (l5); cf. Duffy (41). Relying solely on the merits of Christ, Tyndale would reject the idea of fasting as satisfaction for sin, as defended by the dramatis persona of Antony in Dialogue of Comfort, 1534–35 (CWM 12.95/10–96/11).

how . . . know it. Isa. 58.3.

behold . . . naked. Isa. 58.3–7.

What . . . fote stole. Isa. 66.1. Answer reverses the order of the OT, putting the rhetorical question before the answer.

steuen. cf. Acts 7.49–50, quoting Isa. 6.1–2.

paul. cf. Acts 17.24.

Israelites . . . world. Cf. Jer. 9.16, Ezek. 12.13–15. After Samaria was conquered by Assyria in 721 BC, its leading citizens were deported to various parts of the empire. Nebuchadrezzar deported Judeans in several waves to Babylon after he conquered Jerusalem in 587 BC.

how Englonde was once full. Tyndale notes the expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290, but not from Spain in 1492. Cf. John Edwards, The Jews in Christian Europe 1400–1700 (London: Routledge, 1988) 11.

haply . . . aboute. Three thousand were converted on Pentecost, cf. Acts 2.41; the converts in Jerusalem later increased to five thousand, cf. Acts 4.4.

For . . . myracles. Cf. Acts 8, the Ethiopian eunuch.

we hethen . . . after. Cf. Acts 10, Cornelius the centurion.

not al that . . . seed. Rom. 9.6–7.

not all they . . . garment. Cf. Matt. 22.1–14.

kyngdome . . . bad. Cf. Matt. 13.47–48.

faith/so beleuinge in christ. Cf. Rom. 3.22.

not as God . . . dedes. Cf. Gal. 3.22.

As oure papistes beleue. Tyndale attacks "popish faith" for relying on the common consent of many (cf. [D5, “I answere . . . D5v . . . D6 . . . my fingre therin”; G1, “in comune” and commentary note]) and for the claim that faith, as acceptance of revelation, may coexist with sinful consent to evil. Scholastic teaching distinguished "unformed faith," the mind's assent to God's word as true, from "formed faith," where one's will and practice correspond to what one believes. On the basis of this distinction, those guilty of serious sin can still be considered true members of the church if they profess the truth of revelation mediated by the church, even if they fail to practice justice, temperance, and love. This theology lay behind More's position that the church is "the comen known multytude of crysten men good and bad togyther" (CWM 6/ 1.205/5) and grounds his argument against the Lutheran tenet that faith alone justifies (CWM 6/1. 376–402, esp. 383/18–34, 384/ 31, 385/28–34).

their father the deuell. Cf. John 8.44.

because . . . Moses. Cf. CWM 8/1.194/17–19.

holy water . . . holy salt. Background on the liturgical and devotional use of such blessed objects is given in the respective entries, "Wasser," "Feuer," "Brot. Religiose Volkskunde," "Brotschutzen," and "Salz," in LThK. Delumeau treats them among the rites rassurants (37–50). Authors dealing with this theme draw heavily on Adolph Franz, Die kirchlichen Benediktionen im Mittelalter, 2 vol. (Freiburg: Herder, 1909). For other references to sacramentals, cf. [commentary notes on A3, “holysalt . . . oyle”; B1, “baptim”; F5v, “salt”; I3, “Fire / salt / water / bred / oyle”].

kyssynge of the pax. The ceremony may have been a substitute for the Eucharist (Duffy 125) or for the kiss of peace (OED 3.). Agreeing with the latter, Tyndale explains how kissing the pax symbolizes forgiveness and love (Obedience O5v). Yet, trusting in ritual can lead to the neglect of true Christian love (1 John F1v). For the use of the pax at the Field of the Cloth of Gold, cf. [H8v, “trucebreakynge” and commentary note].

loue . . . ensample. Cf. John 13.15.

confirmacion. Confirmation had evolved as a distinct rite in the early medieval West through the gradual dismemberment of the ancient church's complex rite of baptismal initiation. Theologically , it is the imparting of the Holy Spirit to strengthen a maturing Christian as he or she advances to active membership in the church. Luther saw Confirmation as an ecclesiastical rite of blessing, but that it was a sacrament based on a sure promise of grace he denied in Babylonian Captivity, 1520 (WA 6.549–50; LW 36.91–92). Erasmus may have influenced Tyndale's view [F4, “Which maner . . . this daye”] of the desirability of climaxing the catechizing of youth with a rite of public profession of the signification of one's baptism. Cf. Pio lectori, Preface to Paraphrase of Matthew, 1522 (LB 7.**3v). Tyndale's protest at the loss of the original didactic purpose of Confirmation (Obedience O1—O3) anticipates his criticisms in Answer. At the same time, Martin Bucer spoke of the need of such a rite, which he then introduced in the churches of Hesse and Strasbourg, René Bornert, La réforme protestante du culte à Strasbourg (Leiden: Brill, 1981) 362–66. The best brief overview on Confirmation is Georg Kretschmar's entry "Firmung" (TRE 11.192–204).

the deuell / the world and the flesh. Patristic and medieval exegetes paired the three temptations of Christ (bread into stones, kingdoms of the earth, pinnacle of the Temple in Luke 4 and Paradise Regained) with concupiscientia carnis, et concupiscientia oculorum, et superbia vitae of the Vulgate (1 John 2.16). Cf. Gregory's homily on Matt. 4.1–11 against gluttony, avarice and vainglory (PL 76.1136); the three winds of the World, the Flesh, and the Fiend which buffet the Tree of Charity in Piers Plowman (Passus XVI, line 48). See Patrick Cullen, Infernal Triad: The Flesh, the World, and the Devil in Spenser and Milton (Princeton UP, 1974). In his 1516 NT, Erasmus renders he epithumia tes sarkos, kai he epithumia ton ophthalmon, kai he alazoneia tou biou as concupiscentia carnis . . ., & concupiscentia oculorum, fastus facultatum [pride of resources]. Following Erasmus' Latin, Tyndale translates the Greek as "the lust of the flesshe, the lust of the eyes, and the pryde of goodes" (Wallis 488/23–24; TNT 339C), cf. [P7v, “flesh . . . worlde . . . fendes” and commentary note].

a monstrous laten. For other references in Answer to Latin as an obstacle to religious understanding, cf. [F6v, “I dare saye . . . the right English”; K8v, “gresiamus”; and L4v, “I saye . . . false gloses”]. Tyndale interprets sacerdos as sacrificer and mediator (Obedience M3). Because the baptized share in the eternal priesthood of Christ, a separate priestly caste is unnecessary. He does accept Sanctus or "holy" as one of the true names for Christ (1 John E1).

pater noster. After the emergence of Lollardy [C7, “wicleffe” and commentary note], knowledge of the basic prayers in English was used as evidence of heresy. Anne Hudson cites cases from Norwich in 1426, Coventry in 1485, and the Chilterns between 1518 and 1521, in "Lollardy: The English Heresy?" Lollards and Their Books (London: Hambledon , 1985) 161–62. Bale recalled that in 1506 as a boy of eleven he watched the burning of a young man in Norwich for possessing the Lord's Prayer in English. Cf. Preface to A treatyse made by Johan Lambert . . . (Wesel, 1548?) STC 15180, fol. 3v in The Complete Plays of John Bale 1, ed. Peter Happé (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1985) 2n10. Foxe (4.557) reports that in 1519 seven Lollards were burnt at Coventry for teaching their children the Pater Noster in English. In the early 16c a few texts scrupulously follow the prohibition in the Constitutions of Oxford (1409) by omitting the PN in English. Although Duffy devotes a whole chapter (53–87) to explaining . . . [H]ow the plowman lerned his pater noster (1510) STC 20034, this poem fails to give a translation or even a paraphrase. Margaret Roper translates Erasmus' commentary on the Precatio Dominica (1523), LB 5.1219A—1228C, as A deuout treatise vpon the Pater noster . . . (1526?) STC 10477, but she leaves the actual prayer in Latin. On the other hand, English versions of the Lord's Prayer were published by authors of proven orthodoxy, such as the Austin canon John Mirk in Instructions for Parish Priests (c1450), rev. ed. Edward Peacock and F.J. Furnivall, EETS Original Series 31 (1902; New York: Greenwood, 1969); and the Bridgittine monks Thomas Betson in ... [A] ryght profytable treatyse (1500), STC 1978; and Richard Whitford in A werke for housholders . . . (1530?), STC 25421.8. For a translation of the PN in English by John Colet, cf. [N8v, “old deane Colet” and commentary note]. Tyndale published a preface and a paraphrase of the PN as an appendix to A Compendious Introduccion unto the Pistle to the Romayns, facsimile of STC 24438 (Worms, 1526), The English Experience 767 (Norwood, NJ: Johnson, 1975). The prayer-dialogue is a translation and expansion of Luther's Auslegung deutsch des Vaterunser für die einfältigen Laien, 1519 (WA 2.80–130; LW 42.15–81) (Daniell 150 and n21). This same work, now called The pater noster spoken of the sinner: God answerynge him at euery peticyon, was published separately (c1535) STC 16818, as well as jointly with Savonarola, An exposition . . . vpon the .li. psalme . . . (Antwerp, 1536) STC 21789.5. Tyndale might well have read other commentaries by Luther on the Lord's Prayer in Personal Prayer Book, 1522 (WA 10/2.375–406; LW 43.11–45); Large Catechism, 1529 (WA 30/1.125–238; The Book of Concord 358–461); Small Catechism, 1529 (WA 30/1.243–425; The Book of Concord 338–56). Luther's Wochenpredigten über Matth. 5–7, 1532 (WA 32.299–544; LW 21.3–294), a sermon series given in Wittenberg on Wednesdays between October 1530 and April 1532, is the basis of Tyndale's [E]xposicion vppon the. v. vi. vii. chapters of Mathew (Antwerp, 1533) STC 24440. In this translation, paraphrase and expansion of Luther, the explanation of the PN is Tyndale 's own (Matthew i5v—k4). In spite of the self-effacing tone, these few pages tersely reveal the conflict Tyndale faced between obedience to king or conscience. Allusions to the Lord's Prayer occur in Tyndale's other independent works. Christians should do everything out of love for God's glory (Mammon G6v). Although Christians sin daily against God and their neighbors, God forgives them so that they might forgive others (1 John B4). The faithful pray continually for God to sanctify his name, fulfill his will, keep them from temptation, and deliver them from evil (Mammon F2v).

kercheue . . . smote the. Cf. Matt. 26.67–68, Luke 22.64.

croune of thorne. Cf. Matt. 27.29, John 19.2.

white garment. Cf. Luke 23.11.

.iiij. nayles. Cf. John 20.25.

cord . . . bound with. Cf. Matt. 27.2, Mark 15.1, John 18.12.

bounde . . . scorged. Cf. Matt. 27.26, Mark 15.15, John 19.1.

sindon . . . buryed. Cf. Matt. 27.59.

amice . . . handes. The use of allegory in explaining the vestments and gestures of the celebrant of the Mass goes back to the Carolingian epoch, especially to Amalar of Metz, De ecclesiasticis officiis (PL 105.985–1242). Rupert of Deutz (d. 1135) set the pattern for connecting each vestment with an event of Jesus' passion. William Durandus' Rationale divinorum officiorum (late 13c) was the source for numerous popularizations. Cf. Jungmann 1.87–91, 107–18, 177f. More claims that Durandus was Tyndale's source (cf. CWM 8/1.111/7 and n). Gabriel Biel devotes one preliminary chapter to relating the vestments allegorically to events in the passion of Jesus and another to a tropological account connecting the vestments to the virtues of Jesus set forth for imitation. Cf. Canonis Missae expositio (Reutlingen , 1488; seven further printings before 1530), ed. H.A. Oberman and W. J. Courtenay, 1 (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1963) 86–99. The earliest German explanation of the whole Mass (c1480) offers a lengthy table of the different allegorical meanings ascribed by the author to the parts of the Mass. Cf. Die älteste deutsche Gesamtausle- gung der Messe, ed. F.A. Reichert, CC 29 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1967) XCIII-CVII.

splayenge . . . crosse. Cf. Matt. 27.35, Mark 15.24, Luke 23.33, John 19.18.

ye . . . heven. Matt. 5.14 and 16.

salt. Cf. Matt. 5.13, Mark 9.50, Luke 14.34.

S. Augustine. Unio Dissidentium (1. T5) gives a long excerpt on religious practices made obligatory without the warrant of Scripture, a council, or universal custom from Ep. 55, Augustine to Januarius (AD c400) 19.35 (PL 33.221–22; CSEL 34/2.209–10; Parsons 1.290–91). Erasmus cites this passage from Augustine in his annotation on Matt. 11.30, Iugum meum suaue.) 1519 NT (Reeve 1.54), an essay sharply critical of sacramental practice, fasting laws, marriage legislation, use of excommunication, dispensations, etc. For Erasmus it is high time to reclaim the evangelical freedom preached by St. Paul.

Greke. Reciprocal excommunications (1054), the First Crusade (1095–99), and the conquest of Constantinople by the Latins (1204) violated the relationship between the Western and Eastern Churches. In Prelates (B8) Tyndale blames the Eastern Schism on the excessive claims of the Roman Church. Greek presence at the Councils of Constance (1414–18), Basel (1431–37), and Ferrara-Florence (1438–39) helped renew cultural ties with the West, see Berschin passim. For the scholars who left Greece before, during, and after the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks (1453), see John Edwin Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship, Vol. 2, From the Revival of Learning to the End of the Eighteenth Century (1908; New York: Hafner, 1967) passim. Knowledge of Greek was acquired through private tuition and in collegiate settings. In Paris, George Hermonymus of Sparta taught Greek to Johann Reuchlin, Guillaume Budé, and Erasmus (Sandys 2.169, 256). During his stay in Italy (1506–9), Erasmus perfected his Greek on his own in Bologna and with Girolamo Aleandro and Arsenius in Venice. Cf. Léon-E. Halkin, Erasmus: A Critical Biography, tr. John Tonkin (1987; Oxford: Blackwell, 1993) 65–72. For More's knowledge of Greek, [B4, “These . . . yer I” and commentary note]. Luther learned the fundamentals of Greek from the Augustinian Johann Lang at Wittenberg about 1511. Cf. Maria Grossmann, Humanism in Wittenberg, 1485–1517 (Nieuwkoop: De Graaf, 1975) 77. Tyndale probably studied Greek at Magdalen Hall, Oxford (afterwards Hertford College) (Daniell 23, 30). Later, he translated an oration by Isocrates, characterized by periodic sentences and eloquent tropes, to prove his ability to translate the NT (Daniell 87–90). As further witness to the vivid diction and compelling syntax of Tyndale, 84% of his 1534 NT was adopted by the KJV. Cf. Jon Nielson and Royal Skousen, "How Much of the King James Bible Is William Tyndale's: An Estimation Based on Sampling," Reformation 3 (1998) 49–74.

specially of the Hebrue. Smalley (passim) examines the preservation of the knowledge of Hebrew in NW Europe from the 8c to 12c. From the 13c to 15c Jews were expelled from England, France, Germany, and Spain, "and in those places where they remained they were not always willing to teach Hebrew" (Friedman 19). Although he successfully taught himself Greek, Erasmus failed to learn Hebrew. He does not mention Hebrew in On the Method of Study, 1511 (ASD 1/2.111–51; CWE 24.665–91) for boys, but he recommends it for mature students in many works from Ratio verae theologiae, 1518 (Holborn 177–305; not yet in CWE) to Ecclesiastes, 1535 (ASD 5/4–5; not yet in CWE), cf. Markish 113. Henry VIII needed to consult some scholar for his brief observation in Ch. 6 that the Hebrew language lacks neuter gender (Assertio, CC 43.140). Fisher studied the works of the Hebraist Johann Reuchlin and was tutored by Robert Wakefield c1516 (Surtz 143, 148). In a letter Germain Marc'hadour observed that, while More never learned Hebrew, he may have met Jews in Antwerp or Paris [private correspondence]. After receiving his doctorate from the University of Erfurt in 1512, Luther was appointed to the chair of biblical theology in Wittenberg . From 1511 to 1513, Luther began the study of Hebrew, using Jerome, Lyra, and Paul of Burgos. His Dictata super Psalterium, 1513–16 (WA 4.1–462; not in LW) was based on the Vulgate as found in Lefèvre's Psalterium quincuplex (1509), but his Operationes in Psalmos, 1519–21 (WA 5; not in LW) shows a good knowledge of Hebrew. The Jewish convert Matthaeus Adrianus taught at Wittenberg from Fall 1519 to February 1521 (CWE 5–155n7; CWE 10.191n5). Between 1522 and 1534, Luther translated the OT, using Rashi (1040–1105), David Kimchi (1160–1235), Sanctes Pagninus OP (1470–1536), and Sebastian Münster (1489–1552) (G. Lloyd Jones 59). Robert Wakefield was appointed the first official university lecturer in Hebrew at Cambridge in 1524, the same year that Tyndale left England for Germany. Tyndale could have begun Hebrew under Matthew Aurogallus at Wittenberg and continued his studies at Worms, an important center for German Jews since the 11c. In translating the Hebrew Bible, Tyndale could have used the edition published by Gershom Soncino (Venice, 1488) or by Daniel Bomberg (Venice, 1517) or the Complutensian Polyglot printed in 1514–17 and released in 1522. He used Münster's Dictionarium Hebraicum (Basel, 1525) and Pagninus' Thesaurus linguae sanctae seu lexicon hebraicum (Lyons, 1529). In Winter 1535, Tyndale wrote to the governor of the castle of Vilvoorde, "But above all, I beg and entreat your clemency earnestly to intercede with the lord commissary , that he would deign to allow me the use of my Hebrew Bible, Hebrew Grammar, and Hebrew Lexicon, and that I may employ my time with that study." English translation with the Latin original in Mombert li—ii; for the Latin with a slightly different translation, cf. Mozley 333–35. Cf. G. Lloyd Jones on Tyndale as "the father of English Hebraists" (115–23, esp. 122). Apart from the prefaces to his biblical translations, Tyndale makes scattered comments on specific Hebrew words and phrases throughout his independent works. The pamphlet Sacraments quotes twenty-six words or phrases from the Hebrew to argue that OT names and NT sacraments are signs of divine activity.

dunces disciples . . . raged in euery pulpyt. Cf. [D4, “Thomas” and commentary note]. For More's defense of the New Learning against conservative clerics, see his four letters, actually treatises: Ep. 15, To Martin Dorp, Bruges, 21 October <1515> (CWM 15.2–127); Ep. 60, To the University of Oxford, Abingdon, 29 March <1518> (CWM 15.130–49); Ep. 75, To Edward Lee, n.p., 1 May 1519 (CWM 15.152–95); Ep. 83, To a Monk, n.p., <March-September 1519> (CWM 15.198–311). Tyndale twice uses the phrase "new learning" (Obedience C5v, 1 John D3) to refer to a revival of the primitive meaning of Scripture.

the true Latine tonge. Throughout the medieval period, certain Latin authors were known continuously. Chaucer (c1343–1400) read Ovid, Virgil, Statius, Juvenal, and some Cicero and Seneca (Sandys 2.219). But between 1333 and 1433, major Latin works were recovered by humanists searching through monastery libraries. For example, Poggio Bracciolini (1380–1459) discovered several orations of Cicero and a complete copy of Quintilian's Institutio Oratoria in Transalpine monasteries during recesses of the Council of Constance (1414–18). (Sandys 2.25–27). Whereas Virgil had been the favored classical author of the Middle Ages, e.g. of Dante (1265–1321), Cicero had more influence on the Renaissance. Tyndale praises Virgil as chief of poets, "Tully" as chief of orators (Obedience H6v).

tirens or virgill. In all his writings, Tyndale mentions only three classical poets: Terence (195/85 to 159 BC);Virgil (70–19 BC), and Ovid (43 BC to AD 18). There are general references to Virgil here and in Obedience H6v, to the Trojan Horse from Aeneid 2.58–259 in Prelates G4v, to a proverb from Aeneid 2.354 in Answer 153/3, to avarice from Aeneid 3.56–57 in Testament of Tracy (B2). There is a general reference to Ovid in Obedience R5, to Remedia Amoris in Prologue to Numbers (Mombert 395/27–28;TOT 197), to the mother of Meleager (Metamorphoses 8.451–525) in the Prologue to Jonas (TOT 633). Sidenotes in Matthew's Bible, probably not by Tyndale, contain a reference to Pliny the Elder (AD 23/4–79), Natural History 13.7 pace Judges 9 (TOT 357), to Josephus (AD 37—c100), Jewish Antiquities 7.12 pace 2 Sam. 23 (TOT 456), and a general reference to Josephus pace 2 Kings 8 (TOT 514).

.xx. thousand prestes curattes. Haigh (5) estimates that there were 2.5 million people in England and Wales in the early 1530s. Of these, 50,000 or 2% of the population were ordained, with 40,000 diocesan priests and 10,000 monks and friars. (Haigh's estimate of 10,000 priests in religious communities is close to another tally of 9169 at the end of the period between 1500 and 1534, [A5v, “monkes / freres / blacke / whit / pied / grey” and commentary note]). Tyndale's figure of 20,000 curates who could not translate the PN into English would equal 40% of the clergy.

fiat . . . terra. Matt. 6.10, Luke 11.2.

bosh at the tauern dore. A branch or bunch of ivy (perhaps as a plant sacred to Bacchus) was hung up as a sign of a tavern or the sign-board itself. Cf. Obedience M1v, 1 John E2, and Confutation's "tauerners busshe" (CWM 8/2.633/27–28).

Yee . . . holy water. Stinginess with the poor who must beg contrasts with largess in support of devotional religion as preached by the mendicants. The number of poor people was in fact increasing in the England of Tyndale's time because productivity could not keep pace with demographic growth, as is shown in John Pound, Poverty and Vagrancy in Tudor England (London: Longman, 1971). The continental reformers did not treat begging by the poor with the detached acceptance implied by Tyndale. One issue of reform in To the Christian Nobility, 1520 (WA 6.450/22–451/6; LW 44.189f), is for every city to organize a fund for the relief of its own poor and then to allow no beggars from elsewhere even to enter the city. This measure was implemented in Augsburg and Nuremberg in 1522 and in Strassburg in 1523 and was found in Tudor poor law. Luther denounced begging in early sermons and treatises, e.g. Trade and Usury, 1524 (WA 6.41/ 33–42/13; LW 45.281f, 286f).

so tenderly . . . sonne. Cf. John 3.16.

the true . . . spirite. Cf. John 4.23.

teynterden steple. Good works connected with ceremonies, such as contributing to building funds for church steeples, diverted resources from the upkeep of English harbors. Tenterden is a village fifty-three miles SE of London. Five of its inhabitants were burnt for heresy during Warham's term as Archbishop of Canterbury. Cf. Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (1831; Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1996) 4.278. The folk wisdom of More's Kentish man became current as the proverb, "Tenterden Steeple was the cause of Goodwin Sands,'' Tilley T91. Cf. CWM 6/1.413/10, 6/2.720, 8/2.775/35f. Antonio's ship is wrecked on "the Goodwins" in The Merchant of Venice 3.1.2–4 (performed 1596–97, published 1600).

¶ Of worshepinge . . . workes. Confutation dismisses the sixth and last topic of Tyndale's Foundational Essay, a critique of false ceremonies, as either "comenly knowen allredy" or "false and blasphemouse" (CWM 8/2.775/29, 31).

a letter sent from no man. "The letter of credence" (CWM 6/1.24/4–26/7) was supposedly sent from More's "ryght worshypfull frende" (CWM 6/1.21/7) to introduce the Messenger. As More once fashioned "Utopia" or "no place," he now creates "no man." Ch. 1 also contains "The letter of the author sent with the boke" (CWM 6/1.26/8–27/27). More as Author sends his fictional friend a transcription of the four sessions between himself as Mentor and the Messenger. So in Tusculan Disputations (45–44 BC), Cicero sent Brutus a transcription of five days of supposed dialogue between "M." and "A.": "Magister" and "Adolescens" or "Marcus" and "Auditor." These speakers offer a model for Anthony and his nephew Vincent in More's Dialogue of Comfort (1534–35). See O'Donnell, "Three Dialogues of Comfort."

worshepinge . . . images. In the second edition of Dialogue (May 1531), More added a long passage to Bk. 1, Ch. 2 defending religious images (CWM 6/1.39/26–47/22, 6/2.556–57). For other long additions to Dialogue, cf. [P2, “S. Gregory” and commentary note] on images and [Q5, “S. Iames” and commentary note] on faith.

in comune. Cf. [F3, “As oure papistes beleue” and commentary note], and "the comen fayth" (CWM 6/1.37/34, 38/1), "comen report" (CWM 6/1.38/4), "commonly condempned" (CWM 6/1.38/9).

maior . . . minor. Tyndale accuses More of the fallacy of the "undistributed middle," of using the words "common," "church," "faith," and "good" in one sense in his major premise and another sense in his minor premise and thus drawing a false conclusion.

seruaunt . . . sake. Cf. Matt. 10.40, Mark 9.37, Luke 9.47, John 13.20.

what . . . Christ. Cf. Matt. 25.40.

.xij. . . . christe. Cf. Matt. 19.28, Luke 22.30.

Mary . . . passion. Cf. Matt. 26.7, Mark 14.3, CWM 6/1.49/13–16, Answer [G3v, “we . . . heed” and commentary note].

seruaunt . . . images. Cf. CWM 6/1.48/27–49/12.

God . . . only. Cf. John 4.23–24.

Faith to his promises. Cf. Gal. 3.22, Heb. 6.12.

Fastynge . . . goinge. Cf. CWM 6/1.44/14–19.

pilgrimage. More defends pilgrimages in Bk. 1, Ch. 4 and 16, cf. [E6, “¶ Pilgrimages” and commentary note]. The Messenger describes the shrine of St. Valery in Bk. 2, Ch. 10, cf. [K4v, “sent walary” and commentary note].

god . . . drinke. Cf. Ps. 50.13.

yet . . . only. Cf. 2 Cor. 12.14.

The deuel . . . god. Cf. Lev. 20.2–5.

wenisdaye . . . S. katerine. Some fasted on Wednesdays in honor of John the Baptist, Catherine of Alexandria, Christopher, or Margaret of Antioch for the grace to receive the last sacraments before they died. See Here begynneth a lytel treatyse that sheweth how every mon & woman ought to fast and absteyne them from flesshe on the Wednesday (1500), STC 24224 (Duffy 319–20 and n48).

fast sayntes euens. Medieval Christians were required to fast on the day before the following feasts: Christmas, Pentecost, Birth of John the Baptist, Laurence, Assumption, All Saints; also on the vigils of the Apostles except Philip and James in the Easter season and John the Evangelist during Christmas week (Duffy 41). Tyndale mocks this heavy discipline by extending it to the vigils of lesser saints: Anthony the Hermit, Patrick, and Brendan (Matthew 15).

promises . . . mercy. Cf. Luke 1.72.

gaye cote. Cf. Gen. 37.23, 32. Tyndale describes Joseph's cloak as a "gay coote," i.e., "gay coat" (Mombert 113–14; TOT 61). Tyndale in Gen. 37.3 (Mombert 112;TOT 60) and KJV in all three verses use "coat of many colours." Tyndale refers to Tamar's "gay kirtle" (2 Sam. 13.19; TOT 439E); KJV to her "garment of diuers colours." Tyndale lists among David's gifts to the future temple "gay stones" (1 Chron. 29.2; TOT 578A); KJV, "glistering stones, and of diuers colours."Tyndale and KJV both describe the rich as wearing 'gaye clothynge' in Jas. 2.3 (Wallis 524/20; TNT 364A). In his Prologue to Jonas, Tyndale describes a conversion based on works-righteousness: "[T] hey had made their souls gay against the receiving again of the wicked spirit" (TOT 634). He alludes here to Matt. 12.44, where Tyndale (Wallis 47/21; TNT 36D) and KJV both describe the soul as "garnisshed." More uses the phrase "gay sworde" in Dialogue (CWM 6/1.254/39).

pilars/polaxes . . . hattes. Two silver-gilt pillars (OED 5.) were carried before Wolsey as sign of his office as cardinal. Before his cardinal's hat, Wolsey's body-guard also carried gilt pole-axes (OED 2.), cf. Cavendish 24/3. More as Speaker of the House of Commons in 1523 thought it prudent to allow Wolsey to appear there accompanied "with his maces, his pillars, his pollaxes, his crosses, his hat, and great seale too" (Roper 17/13–14). For Wolsey, cf. [E2, “the cardinalles hatte” and commentary note].

sacrifices of the old law. Cf. CWM 6/1.50/2–3.

And when . . . old testament. Cf. Isa. 58.3–7, Joel 2.13, Hos. 6.6.

Rom. xiiij. . . . abounde. Cf. Rom. 14.5. Answer translates the Vulgate, unusquisque in suo sensu abundet. Tyndale's 1526 NT gives "Se that no man waver in hys awne mynde"; 1534 NT has "in his awne meanynge" (Wallis 339/9; TNT 239B). KJV has, "Let euery man bee fully perswaded [fully assured] in his owne minde." The 1557 edition of Dialogue (CWM 6/1.50/14) identifies this quote as 1 Thess. 4.[10]. Cf. "We beseche you brethren that ye encreace more and more" (Wallis 430/15–16; TNT 302B).

Luther . . . immediatly. Luther's sermon on 14 September 1522, feast of the Exaltation of the Cross, attacked giving contributions of silver and gold for reliquaries holding fragments of the true cross, while at the same time paying no heed to God's mandate to help the poor (WA 10/3.332–34; not in LW). This sermon also circulated in Latin in a collection published in Strassburg in 1526 (WA 10/3.xxi).

Luther . . . ferthynge. Cf. CWM 6/1.51/10–17.

the poore . . . them. Cf. Matt. 25.35–40.

almes . . . commaundement. Cf. Luke 12.33.

we . . . heed. Cf. CWM 6/1.49/21–22. powringe . . . heed. Cf. Matt. 26.7, Mark 14.3.

S. Steuens tombe. After Stephen's tomb was discovered near Jerusalem in 415, his relics were widely distributed (Rotelle 3/9.125n). Cf. Augustine's Sermon 318 (AD 425) preached at the installation of some of these relics at Hippo, Par. 1 (PL 38.1437–38; Rotelle 3/9.147). The Golden Legend quotes The City of God 22.8 (AD 413–27) (CCL 48.821–24; 1NPNF 2.488–90), on miracles that occurred when sufferers came into contact with the relics of Stephen (GL 1.48–49).

As . . . seke. Cf. Acts 19.12.

the miracles . . . preachinge. Tyndale's emphasis on the saints as transmitters of doctrine is a creative variation on the Reformation argument over their role. In early works Luther associated Christ and the saints as helpers of all who by faith are in communion with them, The Blessed Sacrament and the Brotherhoods, 1519 (WA 2.744–45, 748; LW 35.52–54, 58). Luther could observe critically that feast days in honor of the saints have multiplied excessively and are not celebrated religiously, cf. Treatise on Good Works, 1520 (WA 6.229/32–230/6; LW 44.55). Later, Luther's paramount concern is the lack of any warrant from Scripture for prayer invoking the saints' aid, leaving it among the abusive human inventions of the church: Confession concerning Christ's Supper, 1528 (WA 26.508; LW 37.370); On Translating, An Open Letter, 1530 (WA 30/2.643–45; LW 35.198–200). The Augsburg Confession of 1530 affirms the commemoration of the saints as models of faith and good works in their calling, but holds that praying to them for help is ruled out by Jesus' sole mediatorship, Art. 21, cf. The Book of Concord 46f. Melanchthon's Apologia for the Confession fleshes out commemoration into thanksgiving for gifts given the saints, encouragement from their experiences of grace, and imitation . But there is no scriptural ground for invoking them, even if we believe they continue to pray for the church on earth (ibid., 229–36). Upper German reformers, such as Martin Bucer in Strassburg, took more radical action in eliminating both prayer to the saints and their commemoration. Catholic controversialists went to the defense of venerating and invoking the saints, as in Josse Clichtove's De veneratione sanctorum (Paris, 1523) and Jacob van Hoogstraten's Dialogus de veneratione et invocatione sanctorum contra perfidiam Lutheranam (Cologne, 1524). Johann Eck systematized the Catholic case in Ch. 15 of his Enchiridion, "Concerning the Veneration of the Saints" (Fraenkel 173–90; Battles 110–21), arguing from foreshadowings in Scripture , from reason, the Fathers, and longstanding custom in the church. Eck wards off Reformation arguments from the exclusive mediatorship of Christ as wrongly dissociating Christ from those who are, in him and with him, mediators of intercession. The imperial response to the Augsburg Confession digested Eck's arguments , while highlighting how the Lutherans, by denying invocation of the saints, associated themselves with a line of medieval heretics whom the church had already condemned. Cf. Die Confutatio der Confessio Augustana, ed. Herbert Immenkötter, CC 33 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1979) 124–31, esp. 125. Johann Dietenberger , writing in Augsburg in October 1530, argued that it is permissible to invoke the saints because the church defines for belief and practice only what is obscure and implicit in Scripture. Cf. Phimostomos scripturariorum, ed. Erwin Iserloh et al., CC 38 (Münster : Aschendorff, 1985) 114–56. The title, "A Muzzle for Those Gone Mad Over Scripture," polemically implies that the reformers are rabid dogs. Underlying the biblical and theological argument for praying to the saints were the fears and anxieties of believers , for whom the saints were "friends in high places" and influential protectors. Cf. Delumeau, Part II, "Nous ne sommes pas seuls," 177–289.

Eliseus . . . Iordayne. Cf. 2 Kings 5:10, 14.

bones ... a deed man. Cf. 2 Kings 13.21.

whosoeuer . . . him selfe. Cf. Num. 19.16–19.

place . . . poluted. Cf. 2 Kings 23.14, 16, 20.

miracles done at the holy crosse. When Helena, mother of Constantine, discovered three crosses under the temple of Venus built by Hadrian in Jerusalem, the cross of Christ was identified by miracles. Socrates Scholasticus (c380—c450) (NCE 13.408–9) relates that the Bishop of Jerusalem cured a dying woman with a piece of the true cross. Cf. his Ecclesiastical History [on AD 305–439], 1.17 (PG 67.117–22; 2NPNF 2.21–22). Sozomen (c400–c450) (NCE 13.489) repeats this story and briefly alludes to the raising of a dead youth. Cf. his parallel Ecclesiastical History [on AD 323–425], 2.1 (PG 67.929–34; 2NPNF 2.258–59). The Golden Legend gives both incidents but greatly enlarges the latter with details taken from Luke 7.11 on the son of the widow of Nain (GL 1.280–82).

pilgrimes . . . circles. Cf. CWM 6/1.55/21–23.

prayenge in the spirite. Cf. John 4.24 and CWM 6/1.58/ 12–15.

we ... a nother. Cf. CWM 6/1.59/30–31.

tabernacle. Cf. Lev. 17.8–9. temple. Cf. Ezra 6.13–18.

we . . . the paschall lambe. Cf. CWM 6/1.55/33–56/3.

Christ . . . for vs. Cf. Exod. 12.1–13 and 1 Cor. 5.7. Answer has "paschall lambe" [G4v]; NT has "esterlambe" (Wallis 352/15; TNT 248C); KJV has "Passeouer."

Morouer . . . Egypte. Cf. Exod. 12.40–42. Tyndale treats the Exodus as a literal escape from Egypt, not as an allegorical escape from sin.

holy straunge gestures. CWM 6/1.56/4.

left . . . tyme. Cf. CWM 6/1.56/6–7. Tyndale omits More's qualifying phrase, "greate parte wherof" (CWM 6/1.56/6).

For . . . did. Cf. 1 Cor. 11.23–26.

Paule . . . nothinge. Cf. Acts 20.27.

moare . . . with out it. Cf. CWM 6/1.56/23–24.

And at the sight . . . deed. Tyndale voices a common 16c critique of the emphasis on compassion with the suffering Christ in late medieval piety. Erasmus had warned against a merely natural pity for Christ's sufferings in the Seventeenth Rule of the Enchiridion, 1503 (Holborn 117/12–13; CWE 66.110). Luther was also critical of this form of affective participation in the passion of Jesus in Freedom of a Christian, 1520 (WA 7.29/11–13; LW 31.357). Cf. "Passion (mystique de la)" in Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, ed. Marcel Viller SJ et al., 17 vols. including Index (Paris: Beauchesne, 1937–95) 12.329–32; F.Vandenbroucke, "La devotion au Crucifié à la fin du moyen âge," Maison Dieu, no. 75 (1963) 133–43.

prayenge at church. Cf. CWM 6/1.57/34–36.

presence . . . temple. Cf. CWM 6/1.57/19–20.

prophetes . . . there. Cf. Isa. 66.1.

Paul. Cf. Acts 17.24. Steuen. Cf. Acts 7.48–50.

Salomon. Cf. 1 Kings 8.27, 30.

false . . . destroyed it. Cf. Matt. 24.2

piler of fire & cloude. Cf. Exod. 13.21, CWM 6/1.57/12.

eyes . . . se. Cf. Matt. 11.5, Luke 7.22.

seke . . . verite. Cf. John 4.21–24.

And so longe . . . the temple. Cf. Jer. 7.4.

god ... a nother. Cf. CWM 6/1.60/9.

Nether . . . there. Cf. Matt. 24.23.

in oure hertes . . . dwelleth. Cf. 1 John 4.12–13.

god ... a nother. Cf. CWM 6/1.61/15–16.

miracles done in Egipte. Aaron's rod, cf. Exod. 7.8–12; the ten plagues, cf. Exod. 7–12. red se. cf. Exod. 14.21–29.

mount Sinay. Cf. Exod. 24.16–17.

Siloe . . . sight. Tyndale remembers the blind man told to wash in the pool of Siloam, cf. John 9.7. More refers to the paralytic who sat by the pool of Bethesda, cf. John 5.2–9, CWM 6/1.6o/30ff. O'Donnell has corrected the erroneous gloss of 1531 and 1573 from "Ioan 4" to "Ioan 5."

lazarus. Cf. John 11.1–44, CWM 6/1.61/18.

god which is a spirite. Cf. John 4.24.

God . . . christ. Cf. Luke 15.7, 10.

vntyll . . . christ. Eph. 4.13.

misteries . . . christ. Cf. Col. 2.2–3. Answer has "misteries and secretes"; NT has only "mistery" (Wallis 421/1; TNT 296A).

that . . . begile vs. Cf. Eph. 4.14. Answer has "sotiltie and wilinesse"; NT has only "wylyness" (Wallis 405/13; TNT 285A).

So . . . images. Cf. Gal. 3.2–3.

is a spirite. Cf. John 4.24.

angeles of heuen. Cf. Gal. 1.8.

testament . . . sauyoure. Cf. Heb. 10.29, 13.20.

comen consent. CWM 6/1.62/18. Cf. Gogan 96–107, 160–63, 211–13, 217, 298–302.

beleueth . . . beleue. Cf. CWM 6/1.62/13–19.

Elias . . . Samary. Cf. 1 Kings 18.22. Tyndale finds the opposition between Catholics and reformers foreshadowed in Israel's widespread consent to the prophets of Baal, against whom Elijah stood alone as prophet of the Lord.

he proueth . . . done. For Dialogue Bk. 1, Ch. 6 thru 18, cf. CWM 6/1.63/4–110/23. More relies on human prudence to recognize false miracles, e.g., by Humphrey Duke of Gloucester (CWM 6/1.86/18ff) and "the kynges moder," either Lady Margaret Beaufort for Henry VII or Elizabeth of York for Henry VIII (CWM 6/1.87/26ff).

xvj. Tyndale skips nine chapters on miracles, Bk. 1, Ch. 7–15.

mayde of Ipswich. Cf. CWM 6/1.93/13–94/5. Supposedly, the Maid of Ipswich was possessed by the devil and the Maid of Kent [G8, “maide of kent” and commentary note] was inspired by the Holy Spirit, but both experienced the same trances and disfigurements, proving the difficulty of distinguishing between true and false visionaries (Obedience T3v—T4). The authenticity of St. Peter's apparition at Westminster was also doubtful (Obedience T3v, PS 1.326n1; cf. Richard III, CWM 2.27/32–28/6 and n). More's description of the twelve-year-old daughter of Sir Roger Wentworth contains symptoms of an epileptic seizure. Cf. R.E. Hemphill, "Historical Witchcraft and Psychiatric Illness in Western Europe," Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine 59 (1966) 891–902; rpt. in Articles on Witchcraft, Magic and Demonology 3, ed. Brian P. Levack, Witch-Hunting in Early Modern Europe: General Studies (New York: Garland, 1992) 314. Diarmaid MacCulloch considers the Maid of Ipswich "a classic case of child hysteria and manipulation," Suffolk under the Tudors (Oxford: Clarendon, 1986) 145. After a cure attributed to Our Lady of Ipswich, Anne Wentworth became a Franciscan nun in London until the closing of the monasteries.

Moses . . . lorde. Cf. Deut. 13.1–3.

lienge . . . possyble. Cf. Matt. 24.24, Mark 13.22.

the testament . . . bloude. Cf. Heb. 10.29, 13.20.

maide of kent. Prudently, More never mentions the Maid of Kent in Dialogue or Confutation. Here and in Obedience (T4), Tyndale refers to this politically dangerous case. After a cure in 1526 attributed to Mary, Elizabeth Barton became a Benedictine nun in Canterbury. Her pious visions turned political when she declared that Henry VIII would die seven months after he married Anne Boleyn. Fisher believed her revelations, but More counselled her not to meddle in public affairs. See Ep. 192, To Elizabeth Barton, Chelsea, Tuesday <1533?> (More, Correspondence 464–66). For his connection with Barton, Fisher was fined 300 pounds, one year's revenue from his diocese, but More's caution won him exemption from penalty. See Alan Neame, The Holy Maid of Kent: The Life of Elizabeth Barton, 1506–1534 (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1971). Barton was executed, together with five priests, on 20 April 1534, the day that the guildsmen of London were called upon to take the oath of succession. Cf. Richard Rex, "The Execution of the Holy Maid of Kent," Historical Research 64 (1991) 216–20, esp. 219. Three days earlier, Fisher and More had gone to the Tower because they refused to take the oath which implicitly rejected papal authority. In her trances, locutions and fasts the Maid of Kent showed some of the characteristics of hysteria. Cf. Nicholas P. Sanos, "Witchcraft in Histories of Psychiatry," Psychological Bulletin 85 (1978) 417–39; rpt. in Articles on Witchcraft, Magic and Demonology 3.212. In her defense, see Diane Watt, "Reconstructing the Word: the Political Prophecies of Elizabeth Barton (1506–1534)," Renaissance Quarterly 50.1 (Spring 1997) 136–63.

those possessed. Cf. Matt. 17.14–18, Mark 9.17–29.

legend of S. Bartholomewe. According to the Golden Legend, when Bartholomew preached the gospel in India, he saw an idol inhabited by a demon, who supposedly cured the sick. Bartholomew bound the demon, cured a young woman, and converted her father the king and his people to Christianity (GL 2. 110–12).

the deuell . . . diseases. Cf. CWM 8/1.245/27–29. For examples of false miracles by witches, [K6v, “the miracles which witches doo”]; by Mohammed, cf. [K7, “Mahometes . . . yeres” and commentary note]; by Roman Catholics, cf. [K7v, “youre awne myracles”]. See also Obedience P3v—Q3, "Of miracles and worsheppinge of sayntes."

ioyes of Orestes. The Furies drove Orestes mad after he killed his mother Clytemnesta for murdering his father Agamemnon; cf. Euripides, Orestes (408 BC). Erasmus calls the conservative Catholic Edward Lee "raving mad, like Orestes in the play." From Ep. 1113, To Philippus Melanchthon, Louvain, [before 21 June 1520] (Allen 4.287/12; CWE 7.313/11–12). More quotes Persius (Satires 3.118) on "mad Orestes": Ep. 15, To Martin Dorp, Bruges, 21 October <1515> (CWM 15.32/28); Ep. 86, To Germanus Brixius, n.p., 1520 (CWM 3/2.604/24); Responsio ad Lutherum, 1523 (CWM 5/1.252/31).

false . . . agayne. Cf. CWM 6/1.104/18–24. For the Good Samaritan, cf. Luke 10.35.

allegories . . . can proue nothynge. Cf. CWM 8/1.81/2–3. It was a scholastic principle that allegorical interpretations of biblical passages had no probative value in theology (Summa I, Q. 1, Art. 10, Reply to Obj. 1). In the Enchiridion (1503), Erasmus frequently allegorizes classical literature ; e.g, he compares the creation of humans out of clay by Yahweh and Prometheus (Gen. 2.7; Plato, Protagoras 320D-322A): "if you read the poetic fable in an allegorical sense, it will be more profitable than the scriptural account if you do not penetrate the outer covering" (Holborn 70/29–30; CWE 66.68). In his Annotations on the NT, Erasmus repeatedly analyzes the literal meaning of the Greek; in the Paraphrases he draws pastoral applications from NT events for the individual reader. See Manfred Hoffmann, Part Three, "The Allegorical Nature of Scripture," Rhetoric and Theology: The Hermeneutic of Erasmus (U of Toronto P, 1994) 95–133. Tyndale refers contemptuously to the practice of quoting "a fabell of Ovide," rather than the Scriptures to support a "poynte of fayth" (Obedience R5). In his preface to the Pentateuch (1530), Tyndale scoffs at the distrust of the literal meaning of Scripture shown by Erasmus but without naming him, "[S]ome which seme to them selves great clarkes saye: they wott not what moare profite is in many gestes of the scripture if they be read with out an allegorye, then in a tale of robenhode" (Mombert 11/7–10;TOT 8).

Chryst . . . neyboure. Cf. Luke 10.36–37.

scribes . . . Moses sete. Cf. Matt. 23.2, which More discusses at CWM 6/1.101/10–11, 104/25–33.

bewarre . . . doctrine. Matt. 16.6, 11; Mark 8.15, Luke 12.1.

rebuked . . . them. Cf. Matt. 12.1–8, Mark 2.23–28, Luke 6.1–5.

what soeuer . . . rotes. Cf. Matt. 15.13.

scribes . . . tradycyons. Cf. CWM 8/1.355/5–12, 356/7–9.

Oure prelates . . . awne. Cf. Luke 22.25–26.

Peter . . . required. Cf. Acts 15.10.

paul . . . obedience. Cf. 2 Cor. 11.4.

galathyans . . . bondage. Cf. Gal. 5.1.

peter . . . superioures. Cf. CWM 6/1.106/30–33.

obey . . . swerde. For temporal rulers, cf. Eph. 6.5–7, Tit. 2.9, Tit. 3.1, Heb. 13.17, 1 Pet. 2.13–14, 18.

obey . . . awne. For spiritual leaders, cf. 2 Pet. 2.1, Gal. 1.8.

Of tradicions . . . vnite. Erasmus had lamented that the life of Christians is burdened by "human constitutions" that impose ceremonial practices. Still, liturgical ceremonies, with due moderation, add proper solemnity to divine worship. Cf. Ratio verae theologiae (1518) in Holborn 238–39, 252. Luther formulated his protest against obligatory ecclesiastical traditions in Avoiding the Doctrines of Men, a short tract of 1522 that also circulated in a 1525 Latin version. Luther stressed that two Pauline texts, 1 Tim. 4.1–4 and Col. 2.16–23, foresaw and condemned such attempts to ensnare Christian consciences regarding fasts and feasts (WA 10/2.72–92; LW 35.131–47). Here Christian freedom rests on ten biblical texts that undercut any ecclesiastical authority to lay down binding obligations. The observance of fasts and feasts is not evil in itself, but making them obligatory is, according to Luther, to add to God's commandments in contravention of Deut. 4.2 and to make God's good creatures defiling, against Matt. 15.11. Johann Eck dedicated Ch. 13 of his Enchiridion, "On Human Constitutions " (Fraenkel 146–57; Battles 93–99), to demonstrating from other biblical texts that church authorities are empowered to enact laws concerning matters that are coherent with Scripture and that promote discipline and communal activity. Eck also took up eight texts cited by reformers and argued that each of them was wrongly used in the polemic against "traditions." In 1530 the same argument unfolded between Articles 15 and 26 of the Augsburg Confession (cf. The Book of Concord 36f and 63–70) and the corresponding articles of the imperial Die Confutatio der Confessio Augustana (112–15 and 176–85). The 1530 argument is treated in Wicks, "Abuses" 280–85 (Augsburg Confession) and 297–300 (Confutatio). For fasting, cf. [commentary notes on F1v, “referrynge theyr fast . . . spirite”; G2, “wenisdaye . . . S. katerine”; G2, “fast sayntes euens”].

For . . . trulye. Cf. Matt. 5.17–19.

ye be the salt of the erth. Matt. 5.13. The rest of the verse is paraphrased below, "vnsauerye . . . vnderfote" [H2v]. "The notion that this verse applies only to priests and bishops is probably taken from the Glossa ordinaria (PL 114.91)" (CWM 6/2.635).

a man . . . liuinge. Cf. CWM 6/1.109/26–28; CWM 8/ 1.396/10–11 and 8/3.1591.

I haue proued it a lie in a nother place. Against More, Tyndale asserts that true faith will bear fruit in good works, cf. Mammon B2, Obedience F3v.

fayth . . . two. Cf. 1 Cor. 13.8–13.

fayth . . . worke. Cf. CWM 8/2.780/20–21.

prayinge . . . erre. Cf. CWM 6/1.112/13–24.

it is sinne to beleue to moch. Cf. CWM 6/1.111/17–18.

god . . . sake. Cf. CWM 6/1.112/21–22.

all . . . god. Unlike Tyndale, More separates faith from hope (cf. CWM 8/1.54/28) and from charity (cf. CWM 8/1.54/33).

promyses . . . Iesu. For intercession to God by the Suffering Servant, cf. Isa. 53.12; by prophets, cf. Jer. 28.18; by the Holy Spirit, cf. Rom. 8.27; by the risen Christ, Rom. 8.34, Heb. 7.25.

xxv. Tyndale makes no comment here on five chapters of Dialogue Bk. 1, Ch. 20–24. In the section on "Whether the church can erre" [B8-C1], Tyndale answers in a general way the church's claim of inerrancy as set forth in Bk. 1, Ch. 18, 20–21, 24–26 (CWM 6/1.101–62 passim), cf. [C2v “¶ Faith” and commentary note]. Dialogue Bk. 1, Ch. 22 upholds the value of the liberal arts, philosophy, and patristics as aids to the study of Scripture. For Tyndale's negative evaluation of Aristotle and Plato, cf. [A5, “olde hethen people” and commentary note]; for his minimal use of Latin poets such as Terence and Virgil, cf. [F6v, “tirens or virgill” and commentary note]; for his qualified approval of the Fathers, cf. Cyprian [D4, “S. Cyprian” and commentary note], Jerome [D4, “S. Hierome” and commentary note], Augustine [D4, “saynt Augustine” and commentary note], and Gregory [P2, “S. Gregory” and commentary note]. Dialogue Bk. 1, Ch. 23 gives a positive role to reason in explaining Scripture. Tyndale holds that the will follows reason [C4, “The choyse . . . a mans reason”], but he emphasizes that carnal reason is blind; e.g., [C8, “blynd reason”; E8v, “Then . . . reason”; E8v, “Herof . . . man”; F7, “blynde reason”; and esp. L7v], "O how betleblinde is fleshlye reason!"

how iugleth he. Cf. CWM 8/1.311/11.

not written. In response to More's position "that many thynges haue bene taught by god without wrytynge" (CWM 6/1.137/27), Answer passes over More's account of the Holy Spirit's inscription of the faith upon believing hearts (e.g. CWM 6/1.143/4–144/7) to concentrate instead on More's argument that Christ's apostles gave oral instructions on some essential doctrines that were not set down in the NT (CWM 6/1.144/ 8–146/13,147/31–148/32). Yves Congar treats the background of More's position in medieval theology in Traditions and Tradition (London: Burns & Oates, 1966) 87–101, citing William of Occam's influential classification of the different types of "Catholic truths" on p. 95. Occam's scheme recurred in numerous late medieval works, such as John Brevicoxa's treatise (c1375), where we read, "The second category consists of those [truths of faith] which have come down to us from the Apostles by a handing down of revelation or by writings of the faithful but which are not found in Scripture nor are deducible from it." From A Treatise on Faith, the Church, the Roman Pontiff, and the General Council, in Oberman, Forerunners 72. Wyclif and Hus mounted a protest against this view, while asserting, in effect if not in exact terms, the complete sufficiency of Scripture for faith. Their 15c opponents, like the English Carmelite Thomas Netter of Walden, made "unwritten traditions" fundamental to their theological accounts of beliefs about the saints and the origins of the sacraments that lack a NT institution-narrative. Henry VIII's Assertio appealed to divinely grounded unwritten traditions of faith as vehicles of transmission of the church's faith regarding certain sacraments, cf. [H5v, “kinges . . . not erre” and commentary note]. Tyndale has already affirmed the sufficiency of Scripture at [B5v, “¶ Whether . . . B6-8 . . . “if nede requyre”] and will re-state it at [H5, “Now sir . . . scripture”] and [H5v, “Now the appostles . . . soule”].

al . . . written. Cf. CWM 6/1.144/8–12 and John 21.25.

Ihon ... faith. Cf. CWM 8/1.311/11–12, repeated at 311/38–39.

perpetuall . . . faith. Cf. CWM 6/1.150/1–151/23, CWM 8/1.287/5–15 and CWM 8/1.406/3–5. The perpetual virginity of Mary was defined by Constantinople II (AD 553), the fifth ecumenical council, as a corollary to the definition of two natures in Christ (DS 214; 2NPNF 14.312); cf. also [C2, “Christes brethern”, N7v, “christ . . . chastite” and commentary notes]. It was restated by a synod at the Lateran (AD 649), called by Martin I (pope, 649–53) (DS 256). While they accept this belief, Luther and Tyndale do not consider it an essential article of faith. For Luther, cf. Vom Schem Hamphoras, 1543 (WA 53.640; not in LW). More argues that, following their principle of sola scriptura, the reformers ought to reject whatever is not stated explicitly in the Bible, cf. CWM 8/2.809/1–4.

many . . . antichriste. Cf. CWM 6/1.146/14–15. In [H3 side-note 1] 1531's "Pope" becomes 1573's "Antichrist is knowen." Below, Tyndale will set forth, on the basis of NT passages, his case for identifying the papacy as the foretold Antichrist, cf. [H6, “antichriste” and commentary note; and M2, “And finally . . . M2v . . . his swerde”].

Paules tradicions. Cf. CWM 6/1.148/3–6. In 2 Thess. 2.15 More finds two distinct sources of revelation, oral tradition and scripture: siue per sermonem siue per epistolam nostram. Tyndale affirms that Paul preached the same doctrine, whether in oral or written form (Obedience H7). See Ch. 11, "Holy Writ and Holy Church," in Oberman, Harvest 361–422.

I haue answered rochester in the obedience. John Fisher (1469–1535) was Bishop of Rochester and Chancellor of Cambridge University from 1504 until his death. In Obedience (E8v, G8v, H4v, H5v, H6, H7-I2v, V7r-v), Tyndale attacks the sermon preached at the burning of Lutheran books on 12 May 1521 (Fisher 311–48). For Fisher's exegesis of Gal. 5.6 in this sermon, cf. [Q2, “out of which fayth loue springeth” and commentary note]. Tyndale does not mention the sermon preached at the abjuration of Robert Barnes on 11 February 1526 (Fisher 429–76). Fisher was considered the best preacher of his generation in England. Cf. Marc'hadour, "Fisher and More: a note," in Bradshaw and Duffy 103. For his life and works, see the entry by O'Donnell in Tudor England.

I haue . . . preached. Cf. CWM 8/1.324/20–21.

christes soper. Cf. 1 Cor. 11.20. Tyndale debates the more appropriate name of the Eucharistic celebration here and at [O6v, “Misach . . . pensiongeuynge” and commentary note]. For Tyndale's rejection of the Mass as a sacrifice, cf. [M5, “sacrificeth Christes body” and commentary note; O6, “the host ys no sacryfyce” and commentary note]. For his rejection of transubstantiation, cf. [N6, “christes natural body” and commentary note; O8, “Aboute . . . starch” and commentary note]; of consubstantiation, cf. [O7, “there remayneth bred and wine” and commentary note].

And when . . . Masse. Cf. CWM 6/1.148/8–11; quoted exactly by CWM 8/1.315/29–33.

A greate ... do it. CWM 8/1.317/10–11.

water . . . wine. Cf. CWM 6/1.148/19–28.

For ... 1 corin. xiiij. Cf. 1 Cor. 14.2–3, CWM 8/1.161/29–30.

sheperdes . . . shere. Cf. Ezek. 34.2–3.

A greate . . . haue. Cf. CWM 8/1.318/11–20.

Iames . . . workes. Cf. Jas. 2.24 and CWM 6/1.149/7.

Mammon. Tyndale assumed public responsibility for his writings when he put his name at the head of the preface of Mammon (May 1528). He refers to Mammon in Obedience (I2v, Q3v), the afterword to Genesis (TOT 82) and Answer (here and [Q5, “it is answered him in the mammon”]). For Tyndale's gradual acknowledgment of authorship, see O'Donnell, "Editing the Independent Works of William Tyndale," in Editing Texts From the Age of Erasmus (U of Toronto P, 1996) 49–70.

holy daye. 1531's "dage" could be a mispelling by the Flemish compositor.

And as for . . . with out it. Cf. CWM 6/1.149/21–28; quoted exactly by CWM 8/1.321/6–14. In the OT the Sabbath is characterized by abstention from work (Exod. 20.8), a festive spirit (Isa. 58.13), and religious instruction (Lev. 23.3). The early church moved the Sabbath from Saturday to Sunday to commemorate Christ's Resurrection. Tyndale's freedom regarding which day to observe the Sabbath is based on Col. 2.16, Rom. 14.5 (NCE 12.778–82; OER 3.459–60). Between 1527 and c1540, Anabaptists in Silesia and Moravia celebrated the Lord's Day on Saturday. This development prompted Luther to write Against the Sabbatarians in 1538 (WA 50.312–37; LW 47.65–98).

by ... christen. For baptism by women, cf. CWM 6/1.149/28–30, 8/1.307/31–32.

likelyhode . . . now. Cf. CWM 6/1.151/32–35.

iustifienge of faith . . . Paule and Ihon. Cf. Rom. 3.28 and 1 John 5.4. For other references to Rom. 3.28, cf. [commentary notes to O1v, “iustifienge of faith in christes bloude”; O3v, “He teacheth . . . werkes”; Q2, “fayth only iustifyeth vs”; Q2v, “what faith it is that iustifyeth vs”; Q5, “S. Augustine answereth”; Q5v, “faith only iustifieth”; Q8, “we . . . dedes”]. In Luther's practice, the key to all the biblical books is to grasp Christ's utterly gratuitous work and. gift of salvation as this is formulated in texts like Rom. 1.16–17, 3.21–26, 5.6–11, or John 1.14–17, 3.16–17. Statements and illustrations of this conviction are found in Luther's Brief Instruction on What to Look for and Expect in the Gospels, 1521 (WA 10/1/1.8–18; LW 35.117–24) and his 1522 Preface to the NT, [M4, “Tindale was confederatt with Luther” and commentary note]. The principle of justification by faith is central to Mammon, Obedience, and Tyndale's testimony at his trial.

the scripture wolde be easye. Cf. CWM 8/1.337/15. For another assertion that a proper explanation of Baptism would make Scripture clear to the believer, cf. 1 John A5v. T0 claim that Scripture is easily understood if one only grasps the central truth of its message is to voice a fundamental Reformation conviction. In Luther's concise phrasing, Scripture should be sui ipsius interpres, in Assertio omnium articulorum, 1520 (WA 7.97/23; not in LW).

neuer . . . faith. Cf. CWM 6/1.152/33–35.

christ . . . scripture. Cf. John 5.39.

Paules . . . no. Cf. Acts 17.11.

xxvij. Tyndale makes no comment here on Dialogue Bk. 1, Ch. 26, with its message, "In all doubtes beleue the church" (CWM 6/1.162/2–3 Gloss). In the Foundational Essay, however, he deals with this topic under "Another Argument against the Pope" (([D2, “¶ A nother argument . . . D2v-6v . . . in the worlde”]), cf. [D2v, “their auctorite is greater then the scripture”; D4v-5, “I had not beleued . . . the church had moved me”, and commentary notes].

Paul ... a nother. Cf. CWM 6/1.163/34–164/3 citing 1 Cor. 1.10.

power of the resurreccion of christ. Cf. Phil. 3.10. Tyndale's NT has "the vertue of his resurreccion" (Wallis 414/22; TNT 291C); KJV has "power."

generall counsell. Louis XII of France (king, 1498–1515) and Maximilian I (emperor, 1493–1519) convened the Council of Pisa (1511–12), attended mostly by French prelates. Julius II (pope, 1503–13) condemned this potentially schismatic council and convoked his own, Lateran V (1512–17). Dominated by Julius, the first five sessions repudiated conciliarism, the theory that a council is superior to the pope. The later sessions under Leo X (pope, 1513–21) approved minor reforms of canon law, the Curia, the episcopacy and the religious orders. Historians note that this ineffectual council ended in March 1517, seven months before Luther circulated his 95 Theses (NCE 8.409; OER 2.397–99). Cf. Richard Marius, Martin Luther: The Christian between God and Death, Belknap (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1999) 137–39. For Luther's appeal to a general council, cf. [P3v, “Marten . . . nexte generall counsell” and commentary note].

last and euerlastinge testament. Cf. Heb. 8.6, 13.20.

all . . . scripture. Cf. John 20.31.

Now . . . endure. Cf. CWM 8/1.336/27–32, 339/4–8.

By . . . mencion. CWM 8/1.340/28–30.

And by . . . false. Cf. CWM 8/1.342/5–6.

they haue . . . heare them. Cf. Luke 16.29.

And by . . . scripture. Cf. CWM 8/1.343/8–12.

he that heareth you heareth me. Cf. Luke 10.16.

he that . . . hethen. Cf. CWM 6/1.165/2–4. if . . . hethen. Cf. Matt. 18.17.

figure. More describes his syllogism as arranged in the first figure, the third mode (CWM 8/1.346/19–20, 8/3.1578–80n).

And when . . . made. Cf. CWM 8/1.345/9–13.

Christes disciples . . . miracles. Cf. CWM 8/1.346/27–31.

christ . . . teach. Cf. CWM 6/1.178/23–29. holy gost . . . teach. Cf. John 14.26.

In . . . writer. Cf. CWM 8/1.331/36–38.

goo and teach all nacions. Among More's brethren who cited Matt. 28.19, and underscored that Jesus did not mandate writing, was Johann Eck in his Enchiridion, Ch. 1, "On the Church and Her Authority" (Fraenkel 26; Battles 12).

I . . . write. CWM 8/1.333/17–19.

these . . . life. Cf. John 20.31.

these . . . deceaue you. Cf. 1 John 2.26.

Paul and Peter . . . places. Cf. 1 Cor. 4.14, 2 Pet. 3.1.

I answere . . . the soule. Cf. CWM 8/1.334/2–13. Where More appeals to teaching by means other than writing, both by the Holy Spirit and by the apostles, Tyndale responds that the more fundamental commandment of love prompted the apostles to leave a clear and definite expression of the faith that would stand against heresies unto the end of time.

kinges . . . not erre. Cf. CWM 6/1.183/31–184/19. Henry VIII's Assertio septem sacramentorum (1521) met Luther's claims that the sacrament of Holy Orders is not found in Scripture by constructing an argument for God's teaching the church not only by Scripture but also by apostolic oral traditions. The starting point was Luther's own statement that the church is endowed with the power rightly to discern God's word from human words, as in its delimitation of the biblical canon, Babylonian Captivity, 1520 (WA 6.561; LW 36.107). If this be the case, the royal Assertio argues, then the church must also be able to discern the "divine sense" of Scripture from human glosses and comments; otherwise having the Scriptures would not suffice for the transmission of true teaching. Then Henry goes a step further by claiming that the same reason, the avoidance of error, grounds a power by which the church discerns God's teachings et in his quae non scribuntur ("also in these things that are not written"). This third point is especially relevant regarding the sacraments, so that the church would not err by placing its trust in spurious signs that do not mediate God's grace (Assertio, CC 43.208–9). The king's book against Luther has long been considered to be the work of royal theological advisors, but the identity of those who shaped the arguments has eluded scholars. David Daniell (252) acknowledges that "Thomas More himself claimed only a minor role" in Henry VIII's book. Yet Daniell finds in the Assertio the bitter attack on Luther's character and the cautious approach to papal primacy found in More's known writings. At his trial More stated that he was "only a sorter out and placer of the principall maters therin contayned" (Roper 67/18–19), a claim that would have been foolish if at odds with Henry's own recollections, cf. Alistair Fox, Thomas More: History and Providence (New Haven: Yale UP, 1983) 128. In his critical edition, Pierre Fraenkel sees More contributing only minimally to the content of the Assertio, less than John Longland, Bishop of Lincoln, and Edward Lee, later Wolsey's successor as Archbishop of York (1531–44). Fraenkel also holds that John Fisher 's role was greater than is ordinarily thought (Assertio, CC 43.20–21). But Henry's three-step argument for ecclesial inerrancy in discerning non-written traditions, as related above, has no echo in the "ten truths" of Fisher's criteria of doctrinal validity, as set forth in the Prooemium of his 1523 Assertionis Lutherianae confutatio, now in Fisher's Opera omnia (Würzburg: Fleischmann, 1597) 277–96.

his grace. Henry VIII's Assertio was placed first in Fisher's Opera omnia (6–79), followed by a treatise that Fisher certainly wrote, Assertionum defensio (81–100, misnumbered 110). Thanks to Nelson H. Minnich for these references from the reprint (Farnborough , Hants.: Gregg, 1967). There is an English translation, not easily accessible: Assertion of the Seven Sacraments, ed. Louis O'Donovan, tr. anon. (NewYork: Benziger, 1908). Tyndale discussed the traditional seven sacraments in Obedience (M1-P3v). Elsewhere (in Prelates C3r-v, K4v and Obedience E6v) Tyndale writes scornfully of opposing the authority of the king's book to the authority of Scripture. He also mocks the title "Defender of the Faith," which Leo X gave Henry VIII in 1521 as a reward for writing the Assertio. Tyndale reviews the major events of the reign of Henry VIII (king, 1509–47) from his accession to the dismissal of Wolsey in 1529 (Prelates G4—K4v). These include the shifts of alliance among England, France, and the Empire, the marriage in 1514 of Henry's sister Mary to Louis XII of France. For further references to Henry VIII's military and diplomatic moves against France, cf. Prelates F8v; ObedienceV 2v, V4v. Unlike the other English reformers, Tyndale upheld the validity of Henry's marriage to Catherine of Aragon (1485–1536) (Prelates H4v—K1v). His defense was omitted from the 1548 and 1549 editions of Prelates, as well as from the 1573 Whole Works, but was restored in the 1831 edition by Thomas Russell and the 1849 edition by Henry Walter (PS 2.319–34).

whatsoeuer . . . liuinge. Cf. CWM 6/1.185/1—3. More does not limit the church to "the pope and his brode" [H5v], but includes the Fathers (e.g., CWM 6/1.38/22), general councils (CWM 6/1.62/24, 125/12), and "the hole congregacyon of crysten people" (CWM 6/1.107/23). In Dialogue More does not deny the witness power of miracles, which he examines in Bk. 1, Ch.4– 17. In Bk. 2, Ch. 11, More discusses various saints honored for their martyrdom or good works; he also acknowledges the existence of superstitious devotions to the saints.

though one pope condemne a nother. Tyndale refers to Honorius I (pope, 625–38), whose utterances about Christ's having a single will and operation were condemned by his successors and then by the sixth ecumenical council Constantinople III in 680–81. The last judgment, by Leo II (pope, elected 681, reigned 682–83), mentions Honorius by name (DS 510–22, 544, 556, 566; 2NPNF 14.351). See Georg Schwaiger, "Honorius I," TRE 15.566–68.

layde . . . polaxes. Cf. Matt. 27.60, 66, Mark 15.46, Luke 23.53, John 19.40.

antichriste. This section on the recognizable signs of Antichrist expounds four NT texts foretelling the rise of a vicious and powerful opponent of Christ and his elect. The term "Antichrist " occurs in 1 John 2.18, 2.22, 4.7, and 2 John 7. But Tyndale 's proofs that the papacy is the foreseen antagonist use other passages with different vocabularies. They are 2 Pet. 2.1–3 ([H6, “For first Peter saith . . . H6v . . . ouer you”]), Matt. 24.24 ([H6v, “And Christ . . . H7 . . . true waye”]), 2 Thess.2.9–11 ([H7, “And when Paul . . . H7v . . . beleue lies”]), and, climactically , 2 Tim. 3.1–9 ([H7v, “And Paul saith . . . H8-I1 . . . “false werkes”]). During the first millennium, unformulated opinions about the Antichrist were held by various Christian thinkers. These beliefs then came together in a widely accepted scenario about the role of the great persecutor to appear shortly before the end of the world. Amid papal-imperial struggles from Gregory VII (pope, 1073–85) to the Concordat of Worms (1122), the term "Antichrist" was first used as a polemical epithet hurled against an opponent now living in this world. The radical Franciscans of the early 14c branded John XXII (pope, 1316–34) "Antichrist" for his rejection of the spiritual church. The background of this theme is treated, with abundant bibliography, in the multi-authored entry "Antichrist," TRE 3.20–50. See Bernard McGinn, Antichrist, Two Thousand Years of Human Fascination with Evil (San Francisco: Harper, 1994). Wyclif's late writings list numerous signs that the papal, hierarchical church is Antichrist, now in conflict with Christ and the predestined elect. Cf. De postestate papae, ed. Johann Loserth (London: Wyclif Society, 1907) 118–26, 148–50, 185–90, and 322–30. The Lollards transmitted this fragment of Wyclif's polemic: the pope is Antichrist (Hudson 122/7, 126/159, 126/164, and 126/172); prelates will be damned (Hudson 122/13, 125/128). Tyndale is in all likelihood an eventual recipient of and further spokesman for this conviction. Responding to Exsurge Domine, Leo X's bull of censure, Luther first targeted the papal Antichrist in two works of late 1520: Adversus execrabilem Antichristi bullam (WA 6.597–612; not in LW) and Wider die Bulle des Endchrists (WA 6.614–29; not in LW). Luther restated this theme in his pamphlet following the burning of Exsurge in Wittenberg on 10 December 1520 (WA 7.176–80; LW 31.392–94). Tyndale almost certainly knew Luther's expanded case for the pope as Antichrist, given in an exposition of Dan. 8.23–25, published in 1521 in the Responsio to an attack by the Dominican Ambrosius Catharinus (WA 7.705–78; not in LW), interpreting Daniel on 722–77. But this exegetical treatment starts with a prologue expounding 2 Pet. 2.1–3 (ibid., WA 7.725–28; not in LW), upon which Tyndale draws below. In 1524 this work came out in German under the title Offenbarung des Endchrists aus dem propheten Daniel, which John Frith translated as . . . The reuelation of Antichrist (Antwerp, 1529) STC 11394, and which was banned in 1530. Cf. TRP 1, no. 129, p. 194. Luther argues that the pope is the rex potens faciebus of Dan. 8.23 because of the massive edifice of external forms (facies), such as rank, riches, garb, buildings, rites, and allied institutions, which in the papal church overlay God's fundamental ordinances. Then Luther expounds how the papacy is intelligens propositionum (Dan. 8.23) through the plethora of enactments and doctrines (propositiones) raised by popes to greater binding power than God's word itself. On Luther's Antichrist argument, see John M. Headley, Luther's View of Church History (New Haven: Yale UP, 1963); Scott H. Hendrix, Luther and the Papacy: Stages in a Reformation Conflict (Philadelphia : Fortress, 1981); Konrad Hammann, Ecclesia spiritualis: Luthers Kirchenverständnis in den Kontroversen mit Augustin von Alveld und Ambrosius Catharinus (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989) 162–219 (text), 294–314 (notes), on Luther's interpretation of Dan. 8 in 1521. Tyndale's first independent work, Mammon, is partly a translation of Luther's sermon for the Ninth Sunday after Trinity, 1522 (WA 10/2.283–92; not in LW). In the preface (A3v-A4v), the English reformer asserts that Antichrist is a stealthy spiritual force present throughout history, which has emerged in the pope and his prelates and which is now raging because those versed in Scripture have begun to unmask him. Tyndale developed the Antichrist motif in an extended passage of Obedience (I8v—L8v), less in order to prove its realization in the papacy than to unmask the practices of pope and prelates as fulfilling what Jesus had foretold about Antichrist's ways in Matt. 24.24 and Mark 13.6. Special emphasis fell on their craft against kings and their laws (K3), leading to Tyndale 's outcry for monarchs to arraign prelates, judge them by Scripture, and regain their rightful authority (K6—L8v). Other references show Antichrist opposing key Reformation doctrines by giving false interpretations of Scripture (B6) and teaching that good deeds earn God's love (Q3r—v). Both Obedience (I8v—L8v) and Answer ([H6, “¶ A sure token . . . H6v-I3v . . . him selfe”]) devote a whole section to Antichrist. Other references in Answer assert that Antichrist has already appeared ([H3, “coming of antichriste . . . him by”]) in the person of the pope ([M1v, “I fele . . . M2 . . . the pope is antichrist”; O4, “for to beleue . . . to know antichriste”]); the imposition of clerical celibacy is one of his works ([N5, “But what nettes . . . christes bloude”]). In 1 John (D7r—v, D8v), Tyndale recognizes the presence of Antichrist in the apostolic era and in the Docetist heresy (F3), which denies the true humanity of Jesus.

there . . . ouer you. 2 Pet. 2.1–3. Tyndale's Prologue to 2 Peter concludes with a brief outline of the epistle taken from Luther's 1530 revised preface. The whole second chapter is accordingly Peter's prophetic description of conditions in the era of papal rule and the dominance of human, not godly, doctrine (WA/DB 7.315; not in LW).

law . . . law. Rom. 3.19.

Now . . . Christe. Tyndale follows Luther's proemium to his exegesis of Dan. 8.23–25 in the Responsio to Ambrosius Catharinus, 1521 (WA 7.726f; not in LW), where the "sectes" are identified as the religious orders, each of which has a different garb and a rule prescribing certain works as a way to salvation. For the clothing of the various orders, cf. [A5v, “monkes / freres / blacke / whit / pied / grey” and commentary note].

they . . . trueth. Cf. 2 Pet. 2.2.

pena culpa. This Latin term meaning absolution "from punishment and guilt" was coined by Peter Lombard and adopted by Aquinas (Summa I, Q. 48, Art. 5). God discharges the guilt in view of the penitent's contrition and faith; the priest remits the punishment of eternal damnation upon the penitent's confession and satisfaction. Tyndale asserts that Christ's satisfaction for sin cancels out these legalistic measures. Cf. [M7v, “a pena et a culpa”; Q7, “forgeuenesse a pena & culpa”]; Obedience N7, V8; 1 John A2V, A3v, B6.

their shal . . . true waye. Matt. 24.24, which is also paraphrased in [H7, “and shall shew . . . out of the waye”]. Matt. 24.24 is cited by a Lollard text against the papacy, cf. Hudson 126/150–53. Luther cited or referred to Matt. 24.24 four times in his treatment of Dan. 8, taking the Gospel text as prophetic of the papacy and helpful in elucidating Dan. 8.25, Et prosperatur dolus in manu eius. This is the papal deception (dolus) by which otherwise good Christians, like Bernard, Dominic, Francis and Bonaventure, were deceived into acknowledging papal supremacy, cf. Responsio to Ambrosius Catharinus, 1521 (WA 7.744; not in LW). But Tyndale's interpretation develops instead an aspect of the condition of the remnant of tempted and persecuted elect persons who rely only on canonical Scripture.

false annoynted. Cf. 2 Cor. 11.13.

they shal come in his name. Cf. Matt. 7.22, Mark 13.6, Luke 21.8.

the electe . . . called. Cf. Matt. 20.16, 22.14.

Christ . . . faith. Cf. Mark 10.30, John 16.33.

And the stories . . . ensamples. Cf. 1 Cor. 10.11.

miracles. Irenaeus of Lyons (c130–200) describes miracles performed by post-apostolic Christians in Against Heresies 2.32.4 (PG 7.828–30; ANF 1.409). For miracles after the discovery of Stephen's relics in 415, cf. [G3v, “S. Steuens tombe” and commentary note].

Antichristes . . . lies. 2 Thess. 2.9–11. Answer has "conceyued " ([H7v]), while NT has "receaved" (Wallis 436/17; TNT 306C). Answer has "stronge delusion or gyle" ([H7v]); NT has only "stronge delusion" (Wallis 436/I8;TNT 306C). The Lollard text critical of the papacy cites part of 2 Thess. 2.9–11, cf. Hudson 126/156–59. Although the term "Antichrist" does not occur in these verses, Luther's 1522 preface to the epistle says that Ch. 2 shows that the Antichrist will establish himself in Rome, a point included in Tyndale's prologue to the epistle (WA/DB 7.251; not in LW). Luther cited 2 Thess. 2.9–11 five times in his 1521 treatment of Daniel's prophecy, but he did not emphasize, as Tyndale does, its foretelling of papal wiles, obduracy, and persecution of critics.

miracles . . . prophetes. Cf. Matt. 7.22.

they haue . . . quench it. In Tyndale's prophetic view of salvation history, prosecution for alleged heresy is recurrently the fate of those who, like Wyclif and Hus, admonish the higher clergy on the basis of God's word. Cf. [K7v, “But ye persecute . . . rebuke it”; O2, “the spiritualte . . . their misheue”; R5v, “And ye sle . . . on the cheke”].

in the later dayes . . . therof. 2 Tim. 3.1–4. Tyndale follows Luther in finding here a prophetic account already fulfilled by the depravity of "oure spiritualtie" ([H8]). Luther's 1522 preface to 2 Timothy, freely translated in Tyndale's NT, summarized Ch. 3 and 4 of the epistle as an announcement of the dangers of the end-time, in which outward splendor will cloak the corruptions of the higher clergy (WA/DB 7.273; LW 35.389). However, Tyndale's itemized account of the specific vices and practices is his own work.

of this sorte . . . trueth. 2 Tim. 3.6–7.

paynt a blocke & call it Iob. A popular cult of Saint Job flourished in late medieval Europe, with Job serving as patron and helper of syphilitics. Cf. Lawrence L. Bessermann, The Legend of Job in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1979) 2, 64, 131.

And as for . . . wayte. Cf. Mark 7.10–13.

causes venged. An example of vindictive conquest by the higher clergy was the series of campaigns mounted by northwest German bishops, led by Archbishop Gerhard II of Bremen, against the recalcitrant peasants of the lower Weser in 1232–34. Gregory IX (pope, 1227–41) issued a crusade-bull in support. Cf. Konrad Algermissen, "Stedinger," LThK 9.1027–28. Other examples of use of the crusade for political causes are given by Hans Wolter in Jedin and Dolan 4.284f.

trucebreakynge. During the summit meeting at the Field of the Cloth of Gold, Wolsey celebrated Solemn High Mass for Henry VIII and Francis I (king, 1515–47) on Saturday, 23 June 1520. The kings did not receive the Eucharist, but both kissed the pax (LP 3 /1, no. 870). In spite of this pledge of peace, England declared war against France on 29 May 1522 (LP 3/2, no. 2292). English troops then undertook a campaign of burnings in northern France in September 1522 (LP 3/2, no. 2530). For the pax, cf. [F3v, “kyssynge of the pax” and commentary note].

whether ... founders. Dispensations (cf. [M7v, “dyspensacyons” and commentary note]) also served to remove legal impediments to the rise of ecclesiastics from lower-paying dioceses, offices, and benefices to more lucrative ones. One could be dispensed from the prohibition against holding a plurality of beneficed positions, and dispensations from higher authorities could allow the diversion of bequests to ends other than those stipulated by the original donors, cf. [D7, “vnions and tot quottes” and commentary note].

the sorserers of Egipte resisted Moses. Cf. Exod. 7.11–12, 22.

men . . . faith. Cf. 2Tim. 3.8. Their names are not given in Exodus, but according to Paul they were called Jannes and Jambres .

cast . . . false werkes. Cf. 2 Tim. 3.9.

holy gost . . . trueth. Cf. John 16.13.

fleshly seed of Abraham. Cf. Rom. 4.1. spirituall. Cf. Gal. 3.7.

Ismaell . . . Isaac. Cf. Gen. 21.9–13.

greate multitude . . . chosen. Cf. Matt. 22.14.

antichrist. Cf. 1 John 2.22 and [H6, “antichriste” and commentary note].

faith comune as well to the deuels. Cf. Jas. 2.19.

Saduces. From Zadoc ("righteous"), high priest in the time of Solomon, cf. 1 Kings 1.39, or from Tzaddikim ("righteous men"). They denied the resurrection of the dead, the existence of angels and spirits, and the obligation of the unwritten law allegedly handed down from Moses.

phareses / that is / seperated. From perushim ("those who are separated") or perishut ("those who sanctify"). They were distinguished by their strict observance of the traditional and written law and by their claims to superior sanctity. For "Sadducees" and "Pharisees," cf. Illustrated Dictionary and Concordance of the Bible, gen. ed. Geoffrey Wigoder (New York: Macmillan, 1986).

so that . . . duties. Cf. Mark 7.10–13.

Calil . . . haueparte of. The Hebrew word Calil refers particularly to a "whole burnt offering." Cf. Deut. 33.10, Ps. 51.19, Mark 12.33.

zele . . . phareses. Cf. Matt. 23.13–33, Luke 11.42–44.

litle Paul. Cf. Erasmus' annotation on Rom. 1.1, PAVLVS.), 1516 NT, Paulus autem Graecis sonat quietum, . . . Romanis pusillum sonat (Reeve 2.334). "'Paul' means 'calm' among the Greeks, . .. 'very small' among the Romans."

lord . . . doo. Acts 9.6, 22.10.

what . . . doo. Acts 2.37.

testament of Christes bloud. Cf. Heb. 13.20.

christ . . . christes. Cf. 1 Cor. 3.23.

and all . . . christe. Cf. Matt. 25.40.

litle flocke . . . bloude. This is a passage of lyrical beauty, such as is seldom met in controversial writing of the period. On the same topic, cf. [Q5, “And all they . . . desyreth me”].

And of that . . . frely. Cf. Matt. 10.8.

But . . . dreade. The role ascribed to the law sharply distinguishes Tyndale's account of justification from that of Luther, for whom saving faith is exclusively focused on God's redemptive mercy in Christ toward those whom the law has prepared by convicting them of sin. In justification, for Luther, God relates to a believer who has been carried beyond the demands of the law. [This note refers to text which also appears on I2 and I2v.]

And he . . . dreade. Compare Luther's account of the believer's willing service of others without thought of recompense : "to serve, help, and deal with the neighbor as he sees that God through Christ has dealt with him and still deals with him," Freedom of a Christian, 1520 (WA 7.35/25–27; LW 31.366).

greate . . . chosen. Cf. Matt. 22.14.

Fire/salt/water/bred/oyle. Little Flock opposes the multitude 's claim that objects have spiritual potency by appealing to the sole saving power of Christ's blood laid hold of by faith in his word. The beliefs of the multitude rest on the church's myriad prayers of blessing over objects, which are studied panoramically in A. Franz, Die kirchlichen Benediktionen im Mittlealter, 2 vol. (Freiburg: Herder, 1909).

god ... therwith. Cf. John 4.24.

blessynges . . . nacions. Cf. Gen. 18.18, Gal. 3.16.

When . . . agenst you. The account of the inner-ecclesial dualism ends with the two parties in dialogue. Carnal multitude interrogates and indicts ([I3, “they rore out . . . sinnes”; I3, “No saye they . . . soule and body”; I3v, “God for they bitter . . . to be burnt”]), while Little Flock defends itself doctrinally ([I3, “Nay brethern . . . hir purgacion”; I3, “Sir the blessynges . . . I3v . . . soch obseruances”]). Carnal multitude then turns to warn the king of the subversion likely to follow from Little Flock's obstinacy against traditions and ecclesial sacraments ([I3v, “And it like youre grace . . . rise agenst you”]). [This note refers to text which also appears on I3.]

In . . . agre. Cf. Dialogue where in Bk. 2, Ch. 1 (CWM 6/1.187/19–29), the Messenger recapitulates the arguments of Bk. 1, Ch. 28, on the teaching authority of the church, a section on which Tyndale did not comment, cf. [H4, “xxvij” and commentary note].

we . . . bloude. Cf. Rom. 5.9.

thou . . . miste. Cf. John 3.20. Tyndale makes a pun on "misticall sens" of Scripture and "miste." For a pun on "Mystical Body of Christ," cf: [I6v, “misticall body . . . mist” and commentary note].

required . . . scripture. Cf. John 5.39 and Acts 17.11.

we . . . pope. Cf. CWM 6/1.192/20–23. Tyndale here makes no comment on the theme of Dialogue Bk. 2, Ch. 2, the departure of the reformers from the Church of Rome. He discusses this topic in the Foundational Essay ([C8, “The church . . . be called”]) and again under Bk. 2, Ch. 5 ([I6v, “And agayne . . . Iohn Baptiste”]).

how beestly he imageneth of God. More holds that some of the reprobate can be found inside the visible church and that some of the elect can be found outside it, "and bothe the one and the other without reason or good cause why" (CWM 6/1.197/33–34). Perhaps for this statement, Tyndale thinks that Dialogue Bk. 2, Ch. 3–4 presents God as a monster (cf. [I4v, “He thinketh of God . . . monstre”]). Later, Tyndale claims that the doctrine of purgatory makes God into a tyrant for punishing a soul already forgiven ([M1, “There is no father . . . M1v . . . lust of a tirant”]). Dialogue claims (6/1.403/1) that Lutheran teaching on predestination casts God as a tyrant ([P4v, “god . . . tirantes” and commentary note]). For God as an unapproachable monarch, cf. [K1v, “aftir the similitude of wordely tirantes” and commentary note; and K2, “He likeneth god to worldly tirantes”].

naturall man . . . spirite of God. Cf. 1 Cor. 2.14.

if . . . venged. Because Tyndale believes that salvation depends on absolute trust in Christ's merits, he excuses the temporary "frailte" ([I4v]) of the elect. Because More believes in the cooperation of divine grace and human action, he emphasizes "malycyous wyll" in sinners, cf. CWM 6/1.197/30.

yer . . . Christ. Cf. Eph. 1.4.

He . . . enimies. Cf. Rom. 5.8.

flesh . . . not. Cf. Rom. 7.19.

when . . . better. Cf. Acts 9.1–18, Gal. 1.13–16.

serue hys brethern. Cf. Col. 1.24; kepe the flesh vnder. Cf. 2 Cor. 12.7.

Dauid . . . synned. Cf. 2 Sam. 11–12.1–25.

if . . . therby. Cf. CWM 6/1.200/29–34.

as . . . god. Cf. 1 John 4.10.

christ . . . vnto them. Cf. Matt. 28.19, Mark 16.15, Luke 24.47.

storyes . . . declare. For God's mercy to Adam and Eve after the Fall, cf. Gen. 3.9–24. For the liberation of a remnant from the Babylonian captivity, cf. Ezek. 34.11. For the extension of Yahweh's favor to the Gentiles, cf. the three foreign women in the genealogy of Jesus: the Canaanite Rahab, cf. Josh. 2.1–21; the Moabite Ruth, cf. Ruth 1.4; the Hittite Bathsheba, cf. 2 Sam. 11.3. God's quest for the lost soul is depicted in the parables of the lost sheep and the lost coin, cf. Luke 15.4–6, 8–9.

he neuer . . . life. Cf. CWM 6/1.201/21–22.

sir Thomas hitton. To counter Dialogue's claim that reformers would not die for their beliefs (cf. CWM 6/1.201/20–22), Tyndale asserts Hitton's perseverance unto death (Prelates K6). Confutation calls Hitton "the dyuyls stynkyng martyr" (CWM 8/1.17/1), and Apology opposes Hitton's execution near Canterbury to Becket's martyrdom in Canterbury (CWM 9.355). Foxe briefly summarizes Hitton's imprisonment and death at Maidstone in 1530 (4.619) and his interrogations by Warham and Fisher (8.712–15). Cf. [commentary notes to I6v, “heretikes . . . abiure”; M4, “no iudge . . . inconuenientes”; R5v, “ye deliuer . . . asshes”].

caunterbury. William Warham (c1456–1532) was Lord Chancellor (1504–15) until he was replaced by Wolsey, and Archbishop of Canterbury (1503–32) until his death. On 15 May 1532, the higher clergy of the Archdiocese of Canterbury accepted the king's authority to license the legislative acts of the English Church, and the next day, Warham as Primate presented the document of submission to Henry. Later the same day, More resigned from the Chancellorship (NCE 14.811; OER 4.257–58). In the Obedience, Tyndale accuses Warham of wanting to keep the NT as the secret of priests and a mystery to layfolk (K2v). Here, Tyndale condemns Warham and Fisher for their part in burning Thomas Hitton alive for importing a Tyndale NT in 1529.

in braband. A reference to the vigorous imperial prosecution of Lutherans in. the Spanish Netherlands. The first victims were two Antwerp Augustinian friars, Heinrich Voes and Johann van Esch, who were burned in the Great Square of Brussels on 1 July 1523. Luther was deeply moved by news of their deaths and composed both an open letter of encouragement to the surviving reformers in the Low Countries, Ein Brief an die Christen im Niederland (WA 12.77–80; not in LW), and a ballad (WA 35.411–15; not in LW). Erasmus comments on this event in Ep. 1384, To Huldrych Zwingli, Basel, 31 August [1523] (Allen 5.327/4–6; CWE 10.81/5–7). He refers to the execution of these two friars and of Louis de Berquin in April 1529 in Ep. 2188, To Charles Utenhove, Freiburg, 1 July 1529 (Allen 8.210/11–211/31; not yet in CWE).

at colen. The Cologne faculty of theology had condemned numerous propositions found in Luther's works even before the papal bull Exsurge Domine. In 1529 a quickly conducted heresy trial resulted in the burning of the Lutherans Adolph Clarenbach and Peter Fliesteden.

in all . . . douchlonde. Ten Germans were executed between the Brussels and Cologne burnings. Heinrich von Zütphen , the first Lutheran preacher in Bremen, was executed at Heide in December 1524, and Wolfgang Schuch and six others died in Alsace in 1526 and 1527. The Bavarian authorities executed Georg Wagner at Munich and Leonhard Kaiser at Schärding in 1527. Cf. "Märtyrer," Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, ed. Hans Frhr. v. Campenhausen et al., 3d ed., 7 vols. including Index (Tübingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1957–65) 4.590.

their . . . marters. Cf. CWM 6/1.201/26–30.

we ... he sinneth. Cf. CWM 6/1.203/18–204/28.

he that . . . not. 1 John 3.9.

men . . . wrincle. Eph. 5.25–27.

If . . . in vs. 1 John 1.8. Answer has "hys worde" ([I5v]), while NT and KJV have "trueth" (Wallis 487/14; TNT 338B).

church ... only. Cf. CWM 6/1.196/28–29. More is willing to find a sinless church in heaven (CWM 6/1.206/1), but not on earth (CWM 6/1.196/30).

that good . . . flesh. Rom. 7.19–20.

the flesh . . . wolde. Gal. 5.17.

twoo maner faythes. For "historical faith" and "feeling faith," cf. [D5v, “historicall faith . . . felynge faith” and commentary note]. Since Dialogue addresses primarily Catholic readers, More does not use these names in Bk. 2, Ch. 4 or anywhere else in Dialogue. Only in Bk. 4, Ch. 11, does More examine an affective approach to faith as "truste / confidence / & hope" (CWM 6/1.388/14). Confutation briefly alludes to historical faith versus feeling faith in Bk. 4 (CWM 8/1.448/15–19). Then More gives a fuller treatment of the topic in the second half of Bk. 7 (CWM 8/2.741–849).

ye . . . worde. John 15.3.

he gaue . . . name. Cf. John 1.12.

he that . . . lyfe. Cf. John 3.16.

symon magus. Cf. Acts 8.9–13, 18–24. the deuel. Cf. Jas. 2.19.

iustifienge of ceremonies. Cf. Gal. 2.16.

forgeuenesse . . . bloude. Cf. Eph. 1.7.

And what . . . ceremonyes. More calls Luther a "mad man" (CWM 6/1.203/25) for putting forth "a very frantyke argument" (CWM 6/1.204/17), namely, that the true church is without sin but composed of those in whom sin is still a pervasive presence. Tyndale accounts for the paradox first by appealing to the NT warrants for both tenets ([I5v, “We read . . . I6 . . . thousand like textes”]). [This note refers to text which also appears on I5v and I6.]

the pope . . . corrupte. Cf. CWM 6/1.206/28 where More says that the Scriptures are "delyuered / kept and conserued" in the church.

plucked . . . Christe. Cf. Rom. 11.17.

bilt . . . prophetes. Eph. 2.20.

the heretikes . . . mistical bodi. Cf. CWM 6/1.207/11–12. Cf. other early uses of this name for the church: "crystys mystycall body" in Supplication of Souls, 1529 (CWM 7.202/17); "the mystycall body of our mother holy chirche," in "Sermon against Luther, 1521" (Fisher 322/8–9).

misticall body . . . mist. For a pun on the "misticall sens" of Scripture, cf. [I4, “thou . . . miste” and commentary note].

will not . . . light. Cf. John 3.20.

heretikes . . . abiure. Cf. CWM 6/1.208/31–33. Tyndale responds to More's generalization on inconstancy among reformers with a fourfold classification. Exemplars of the first, steadfast, type would be the priests Thomas Hitton, Thomas Benet or Dusgate , and the Benedictine monk and book smuggler Richard Bayfield . The second class, providentially saved from arrest, would not have any notoriety. Third, those who once recanted under judicial pressure but returned to their new faith and then suffered martyrdom , would include the lawyer Thomas Bilney, the leather-seller John Tewksbury, and the lawyer James Bainham. In the fourth class, those who rejected the Reformation, would be Thomas Arthur and Edward Crome (CWM 8/3.1170, 1251). For Hitton, cf. [I5, “sir Thomas hitton” and commentary note]; for Bilney, cf. [M3, “bilneyes . . . indifferent” and commentary note], for all the heretics who were executed during More's chancellorship, cf. [R5v, “ye deliuer . . . asshes” and commentary note].

Peter. Cf. Matt. 26.69–75, Mark 14.66–72, Luke 22.55–62, John 18.17, 25–27.

fleshly liberte. Cf. Gal. 5.13, 1 Pet. 2.16.

In the .vij. Refutation of More's specific arguments on the role of the saints is the principal topic of the rest of Tyndale's response to Dialogue Bk. 2. Tyndale's constructive views on the saints are treated above in [E4, “And euen so . . . reliques also”; G3v, “In the third . . . preachinge” and commentary notes].

saintes . . . counsels. Cf. CWM 6/1.209/25, 29.

good and bad . . . evell. Cf. CWM 6/ 1.210/8–10.

not . . . doo it. Cf. CWM 6/1.210/13–16.

the saintes . . . liued. Cf. CWM 6/1.211/30–31. More argues that the saints will not have less charity in heaven than they had on earth (cf. CWM 6/1.211/23–25).

they haue . . . heare them. Luke 16.29.

Luke .vij. . . . then he. Cf. CWM 6/1.211/27–30. Confutation's sidenote of 1557 identifies this text as Matt. 11.[11] while Tyndale cites the cognate verse, Luke 7.28. More misinterprets "the kingdom of heaven" as those that were "all redy in heuyn" (CWM 6/1.211/29), whereas Tyndale correctly refers to believers ([I7v]) in the New Dispensation.

And he . . . grettest. Cf. Mark 9.35.

cursed . . . god. Cf. Jer. 17.5.

what . . . Christe. Cf. 1 Cor. 3.5.

Did . . . Paul. Cf. 1 Cor. 1.13.

Did . . . Christ. Cf. 2 Cor. 11.2.

let . . . gods. Cf. 1 Cor. 3.21–23.

praye . . . legion of angels. Cf. Matt. 26.53.

put . . . for him. Cf. CWM 6/1.215/22–25.

euen . . . saintes. Cf. CWM 6/1.215/29–31 and n. More alluded to a miracle in which a man was cured by touching a coat which had belonged to someone then in purgatory. Cf. Gregory the Great, Dialogues, Bk. 4 (Ch. 40 in PL 77.396–97; Ch. 42 in FOTC 39.249–50).

said masse in his gowne. While Luther was in hiding at the Wartburg, his associate Andreas Karlstadt (1486–1541), wearing his professor's gown instead of liturgical vestments, publicly celebrated a simplified Lord's Supper in Wittenberg at Christmas 1521. He recited the words of consecration in German without reference to sacrifice and urged the people to take the bread and cup in their own hands (OER 1.178–80). Even though Karlstadt was largely implementing Luther's position in Babylonian Captivity, 1520 (WA 6.512/26–35; LW 36.36), the latter charged his colleague with rushing things, before the people were well-instructed and able personally to grasp and appropriate the changes. At this time, Luther published a tract against coercive and violent reforming actions, A Sincere Admonition to All Christians to Guard against Insurrection and Rebellion (WA 8.676–87; LW 45.57–74).

the collectes of saintes. The collect is the prayer of petition said by the celebrant to close the opening rites of Mass. Many saints' days have their own collect, which is also said at the close of each hour of the divine office. Tyndale's general assertion about the prominence of the merits of the saints is, however, not borne out by the collects of the Missale of 1508 enshrining the form used in the Roman curia. Of some ninety collects for saints, from Andrew the Apostle (30 November) through the Beheading of John the Baptist (29 August), only six appeal to God with reference to the merits of the saint. More frequently, the collects pray for God to be gracious and bless by the intercession, patrocinium or suffragia of the saint of the day.

Christ . . . true. Cf. Gal. 2.21.

saintes . . . only. In Dialogue More does not discuss the saints' merits or the possibility of sharing in them in Bk. 2, Ch. 8, but he claims in Bk. 3, Ch. 2 that Eutyches, the sleeping youth who fell out the upper-story window, was raised from the dead by the "merites of saynt Powle" (cf. Acts 20.9–12) (CWM 6/1.259/ 19).

they coude . . . aliue. Cf. CWM 6/1.212/19.

not the god of the deed. Cf. Matt. 22.32, Mark 12.27, Luke 20.38.

the saintes . . . againe. Cf. CWM 6/1.212/9–16. More's belief that the souls of the saints pass immediately upon death into the beatitude of heaven, formulated here and at [K1, “goo to . . . rysen agayne”] and [K1, “If the soules . . . youre doctrine”], accords with the dogmatic constitution Benedictus Deus which Benedict XII (pope, 1334–42) issued in 1336 to counteract the opinion of his predecessor John XXII (pope, 1316–34) that the departed souls remain "beneath the altar" until the final resurrection on the last day. Benedictus Deus is found in DS 1000–1001; in English in Neuner-Dupuis 2305–6. The doctrine was briefly restated by the Council of Florence in Laetentur coeli, the bull of reunion between the Latin and Greek churches, in 1439 (DS 1305; Neuner-Dupuis 2308–9), and was indirectly confirmed in 1513 by Lateran V's declaration against Paduan Averroism, Apostolici regiminis (DS 1440–41), which affirms the natural immortality of the human soul. Cf. [O8v, “The hethen . . . stablish it” and commentary note], where Tyndale characterizes this doctrine as an unsalutary amalgam of pagan philosophy with biblical faith.

not the god of the deed. Cf. Matt. 22.32, Mark 12.27, Luke 20.38.

if. . . most miserablest. 1 Cor. 15.13, 19. Tyndale suggests that More might have used this text to argue for the existence of the soul between death and the general resurrection. For the double superlative, cf. "most highest", Deut. 32.8 (Mombert 625; TOT 300); "This was the most unkindest cut of all," Julius Caesar 3.2.177 (performed 1599, published 1623).

I maruell . . . agayne. Cf. 1 Thess. 4.14–15. While More understands the sleep of death figuratively, Tyndale (here and 1 John E3) follows Luther in taking it literally. Tyndale very likely knew Luther's 1522 sermon on the rich man and Lazarus (Luke 16.19–31), which circulated widely in German and came out in Latin in 1526. Luther explains that the soul of the departed believer rests in the word of God, as represented first by "Abraham's bosom" (Luke 16.22) and then by Christ's bosom, until the last day (WA 10/3.176–200; not in LW). Luther's postil for the fifth Sunday of Lent, published in 1525, gives a model homily on John 8.46–59. Regarding John 8.52, "yf a man kepe my sayinge, he shall never taste of deeth" (Wallis 206/15–16; TNT 146G), he explains that the believer does not feel death but instead sleeps in peace until being awakened in resurrection (WA 17/2.231–37; not in LW). Paul Althaus sets forth Luther's teaching on death and resurrection in The Theology of Martin Luther (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1966) 410–16. Gerhard Ebeling discusses Luther's views of the soul and human mortality, offering comparisons with Aristotle, Aquinas, Gabriel Biel, Lateran V, and Johann Eck. Cf. Lutherstudien 2/2, Disputatio de homine: Die philosophische Definition des Menschen (Tübingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1982) 60–186. Heinrich Bullinger (1504–75), reformed pastor of Zurich, attacked the doctrine of the soul's sleep in 1531 and John Calvin (1509–64) wrote against it in his first Reformation writing, Psychopannychia (composed 1534, published 1542), which ascribes the belief to certain unnamed Anabaptists. Calvin holds that the immortality of the soul rests on a densely woven complex of biblical and patristic texts. This work of Calvin has been edited by Walter Zimmerli (Leipzig: Deichert, 1927). An abridged version in English appeared in 1549 and a full translation in 1581. See the modern edition in Calvin's Tracts 3, ed. Henry Beveridge (Edinburgh, 1851), rpt. as Tracts and Treatises: In Defense of the Reformed Faith (Grand Rapids, MI:Eerdmans, 1958) 413–90. The course of early-modern English opinion on the soul's condition after death has been charted in Norman T. Burns, Christian Mortalism from Tyndale to Milton (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1972), beginning with the More-Tyndale argument (98–116). The doctrine of soul-sleep, seen as heretical by the established church, was transmitted in 16c radical conventicles. In the 17c the soul's annihilation between death and the Second Coming was held as Christian doctrine by the young Sir Thomas Browne (149–54), John Milton (164–83), and Thomas Hobbes (183–87), a tradition continued in present-day Jehovah's Witnesses and Seventh-day Adventists.

resurreccion . . . agayne. Cf. 1 Thess. 4.16.

he steleth . . . resurreccion. Tyndale's rebuttal here rests on the primacy in NT eschatology of belief in final resurrection , which he believes an immediate passage to glory would render meaningless.

whether . . . holpe. Cf. CWM 6/1.212/24–28.

praye vn to the deuell. In Dialogue Bk. 2, Ch. 11, the Messenger , not More as Mentor, tells a merry tale of a Lombard who prayed to God, Mary and all angels and saints for his gout, but without relief. He then horrified his wife and friends by praying to the devil (CWM 6/1.233/31–234/4).

we praye . . . helpe vs. Cf. CWM 6/1.214/14–19.

And where ... in him. Cf. 1 Cor. 10.13.

Christ . . . with him. Cf. CWM 6/1.214/30–33.

they which . . . with him. Cf. Matt. 19.28. Instead of using NT's "which folowe me" (Wallis 61/24; TNT 46D), Answer gives "they which here preach him truly" ([K1v]).

aftir the similitude of worldely tirantes. Here and at [K2, “He likeneth . . . worldly tirantes”], Tyndale declares that More regards God as an inaccessible monarch and the saints as friends at court who intercede for us, cf. [I4v, “how beestly he imageneth of God” and commentary note].

The apostles . . . dishonoured. Cf. CWM 6/1.214/35–215/2.

false . . . appostles. Cf. 1 Cor. 1.12–13, 3.3–4.

it behoueth . . . malapertenesse. Cf. CWM 6/1.215/19–22.

bebolde to goo vn to god. Cf. Heb. 4.16, Eph. 3.12.

I saye not . . . loueth you. John 16.26–27.

be bold and goo in to my father. Cf. Heb. 4.16, Eph. 3.12.

we haue . . . howshold of god. Cf. Eph. 2.18–19.

a man . . . deed man. Cf. CWM 6/1.215/28–29. Tyndale quotes the Messenger; More as dramatis persona adds the qualification that one may pray to any deceased person who was good.

canvesed him . . . canonised him. Tyndale pretends to make a verbal slip.

one that . . . purgatory. Cf. CWM 6/1.215/30–31.

Then . . . heuen. Cf. CWM 6/1.216/27–31.

kinge henry . . . Eton. Henry VI (king, 1422–61) founded Eton College and King's College, Cambridge. The last Lancastrian king, he was defeated at Tewkesbury by the Yorkist Edward IV (king, 1461–83), murdered in the Tower, and buried in St. George's Chapel, Windsor Castle. After Richard III (king, 1483–85) was overthrown by Henry VII (king, 1485–1509), the latter promoted the cult of Henry VI. As steps to canonization, Alexander VI (pope, 1492–1503) and Julius II (pope, 1503–13) authorized inquiries into the sanctity and alleged miracles of "Blessed Henry." The process continued until the late 1520s when the matrimonial troubles of Henry VIII foreshadowed his break with Rome. Cf. John W McKenna, "Piety and Propaganda: The Cult of King Henry VI," in Chaucer and Middle English Studies in honour of Rossell Hope Robbins (Kent State UP, 1974), 72–88. In Historia Richardi Tertii (c1513), though not in the English version, More judges Henry VI to be more innocent than wise: Rex innocentior esset quam sapientior (CWM 2.6/12–13). Prelates notes the influence of good Duke Humphrey (F5) and crafty Cardinal Beaufort (G1v), and laments the unprofitable marriage to Margaret of Anjou (G2). Cf. The Brut of The Chronicles of England, ed. Friedrich W.D. Brie, EETS Original Series 136 (London: Kegan Paul, 1908) 511–12.

no ieopardy . . . damned. Cf. CWM 6/1.223/10–12.

no ieopardie . . . erre. Cf. CWM 6/1.224/11–14. More argues that the Holy Spirit guarantees the validity of this consensus (CWM 6/1.224/15–17).

when . . . Iewes. Cf. CWM 6/1.220/13–15.

Israhelites . . . Iewes. Cf. 1 Kings 12.21. The Southern kingdom of Judea was formed by the tribes of Judah and Benjamin; the Northern kingdom of Israel by the other ten tribes.

image of a calfe. Cf. 1 Kings 12.28–30.

arcke of testimonie. Cf. 1 Kings 8.1–9.

Iewes . . . temple. Cf. 2 Kings 21.

Iewes . . . Prophetes. Cf. CWM 6/1, 220/10–12. More comments briefly on the punishment of the Jews for idolatry.

captiue out of the lande. The Assyrians conquered Samaria and deported Israelites in 721 BC (cf. 2 Kings 18.11–12). The Chaldeans captured Jerusalem and deported the leading citizens of Judea in three stages: 598 BC (cf. 2 Kings 24.12–16), 587/6 BC (cf. 2 Kings 25.8–21; Jer. 39.8–10, 52.12–34) and 582–81 BC.

open multitude called Gods church. For the wheat and tares, cf. Matt. 13.24–30; for the dragnet, cf. Matt. 13.47–50.

houses . . . secretly. The master of the palace hid one hundred prophets of Yahweh from Jezebel, cf. 1 Kings 18.3–4. The wife of a priest in Jerusalem saved the young Joash from Athalia, cf. 2 Kings 11.

Nycodemus amonge the phareses. Cf. John 3.1–2.

no ieopardy . . . hoste. Cf. CWM 6/1.223/12–13.

Paule ... to gether. Cf. 1 Cor. 1.10. Cf. CWM 6/1.223/31–224/10. Tyndale omits More's argument that the Holy Spirit would never allow the church to believe what was "dampnable false and fayned" (CWM 6/1.224/20).

the Iewes . . . Prophetes. Cf. CWM 6/1.224/25–26.

Christ . . . slew them. Cf. Matt. 23.29–31. Cf. CWM 6/1.225/11–14.

Eliseus ... a deed body. Cf. 2 Kings 13.21; CWM 6/1.225/8–9, 17–18. In adding a noun to the article and adjective, 1573 agrees with CWM 6/1.225/9. After the text and variants were set in type, with 1573's "a dead body" substituted for 1531's "a deed" (and the emendation noted), O'Donnell discovered analogous forms without a noun: "a righteous" and "a wicked" occur in Ezek. 18.24, 26, 27, Tyndale's translation of an OT reading used in the Sarum Rite (TNT 397). For another example of the construction of article plus adjective without noun, cf. [M1v, “a satisfactory” and commentary note].

Christ . . . crosse. Cf. CWM 6/1.225/20–22.

woman ... Christes cote. Cf. Matt. 9.20–22, Mark 5.27–28, Luke 8.43–44. Cf. CWM 6/1.225/31.

hir faith hath made hir hole. Cf. Matt. 9.22, Mark 5.34, Luke 8.48.

Paule . . . the seke. Cf. Acts 19.12.