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KEY Commentary Side Textual Bibliographic Scriptural
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that refuse the trouth who shall / god wyll kepe a numbre
of his mercye / & call them out of blyndnesse / to
testifie the trueth vn to the rest / that their damnacion
maye be with out excuse.
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god . . . mercye. Cf. Rom. 11.5.
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The turcke / the Iew and the popish bild vppon frewyll and
asscribe their iustifienge vn to their workes. The turke
when he hath synned / runeth to the purifienges or
ceremonies of Mahomete / and the Iew to the ceremonies of
Moses / and the pope vn to his awne ceremonies / to fette
forgeuenesse of their synnes. And the christen goeth thorow
repentaunce towarde the lawe / vn to the faith that is in
Christes bloude.
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And the pope saith that the ceremonies of Moyses iustified
not / compelled with the wordes of Paul. And how then shuld
his iustifie? Moses sacramentes were but signes of promises
of fayth / by whych fayth the beleuers ar iustified / and
euen so be Christes also. And
now because the Iewes haue put out the significacions of
their sacramentes and put their trust in the workes of them
/ therfore they be Idolaters / and so is the pope for like
purpose. The pope sayth that Christ dyed not for vs but for
the sacramentes / to geue them power to iustifie. O
Antichriste.
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Moses sacramentes. Tyndale considers
circumcision analogous to Baptism. Cf. Rom. 2.29
"circumcision of the herte" (Wallis 322/17;TNT 227D).
signes of promises
of fayth. Where the scholastic tradition distinguished sharply
between OT rites, such as circumcision and the paschal supper, and the
NT sacraments, Tyndale holds a basic similarity, for in both cases
justifying faith is to be elicited. The scholastic distinction became
papal doctrine at the Council of Florence, in the Decree of Union with
the Armenians, cf. p. 297. This document incorporated passages from
Aquinas, including the affirmation that while OT sacraments were mere
signs of grace to come, the NT sacraments are both signs and causes of
that grace in those who receive them worthily (DS 1310; Neuner-Dupuis
1310). (JW)
The pope ... to
iustifie. Commonly, medieval theologians derived the efficacy
of the Christian sacraments from the death of Christ, with the water and
blood that flowed from his side (John 19.34)
signifying Baptism and the Eucharist and signalling the transcending of
circumcision and the paschal meal. Cf. Peter
Lombard, Sentences, Bk. 2, Dist. 18,
Ch. 3; Bk. 4, Dist. 8, Ch. 2. (JW)
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xj.
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His . xj. chapter is as true as his storie of
vtopia and all his other poetrie. He meaneth doctoure Ferman
person of hony lane. Whom after they had handelled after
their secret maner and disputed wyth secretly and had made
him swere that he shuld not vtter how he was dealte wyth /
as they haue made many other / then they contriued a
maner of dispicions had
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chapter . . .
poetrie. Cf. CWM 6/1.379/17–383/34. Dialogue
Bk. 4, Ch. 11 presents the cross-examination of a preacher with
Lutheran leanings within the dialogue between More and the Messenger.
For another dialogue-within-a-dialogue, cf. 147/10n.
doctoure Ferman
person of hony lane.
Dialogue does not name Dr.
Forman as the pastor of All Hallows, Honey Lane, Cheapside,
but More hints at his identity when he exclaims "what poyson [Lutheran
preachers] put forth vnder the cloke of hony" (CWM 6/1.399/31). Cuthbert
Tunstall disputed with Forman on 19 March 1528, then forbad him to
celebrate Mass and preach publicly under pain of law (Brigden 113n156
citing LP 4/2, no. 4175). Forman also directed a contraband trade in
heretical books between London and Oxford. Writing in August 1528, Anne
Boleyn asked Wolsey,"I beseech your grace with all mine heart
to remember the parson of Honey Lane for my sake shortly"
(Brigden 128n225 quoting BL, Cotton MS Vespasian F iii, fo. 15v,
paraphrased in LP 4/3, Appendix 197). Through the influence
of Anne and Wolsey, the parson was not tried for heresy but let off with
a secret penance (Brigden 161). Foxe (4.769, 5.416) names the rector
"Robert." He seems to be a separate person from Thomas Forman of Norfolk, who received his BA
from Queens' College, Cambridge (1512) and later became its Master.
There he protected Lutheran undergraduates and hid Lutheran books from
confiscation . Cf. H.C. Porter, Reformation and Reaction in Tudor Cambridge
(1958; Hamden, CT: Archon, 1972) 42–43, 46.
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